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in potential or actual conflict situations where complaints were being realised.<br />

House and Kasper attributed these salient variations to differing social norms<br />

associated with the act <strong>of</strong> complaining in each culture, noting that'... attacking<br />

one's interlocutor's identity seems to be a taboo in the British cultural context,<br />

while it seems perfectly appropriate behavior for Germans under specific<br />

interactional conditions' (House and Kasper 1981,183).<br />

In the realisation <strong>of</strong> requests (another potentially face-threatening action),<br />

German speakers were shown to be similarly more direct than their English<br />

counterparts. In making requests, German speakers were shown to employ<br />

significantly more direct forms than English speakers, an observation<br />

corroborated in later work by House (1989) and Blum-Kulka and House (1989).<br />

Again, rather than concluding that the English were simply'more polite' than<br />

their German counterparts (in their apparent heightened orientation to their<br />

interlocutors face needs), these differences were attributed more to differing<br />

social norms which could be seen to guide the realisation <strong>of</strong> speech acts across<br />

cultures. Specifically, Blum-Kulka and House noted that:<br />

... though directness is usually associated... with impoliteness, its exact<br />

social meaning may also be a cross-cultural variant ... if other norms,<br />

such as clarity in expressing intentions and a show <strong>of</strong> sincerity are<br />

preferred over a display <strong>of</strong> non-imposition , then directness will not<br />

necessarily be associated with impoliteness. (Blum-Kulka and House<br />

1989,138)<br />

Moving away from specific speech acts to focus on general<br />

communicative behaviour within particular discourse phases <strong>of</strong> conversational<br />

encounters, House (1 982a) identified further salient differences between the<br />

two discourse communities, again in terms <strong>of</strong> their varying orientations to<br />

interpersonal and ideational aspects <strong>of</strong> talk. For example, in 'opening phases' <strong>of</strong><br />

conversational encounters, English speakers reciprocatively employed more<br />

formulaic phatic utterances (Malinowski 1934), such as engaging in'how are<br />

you? ' type interchanges which House argued encode interpersonal concerns.<br />

Similarly, in 'closing phases' <strong>of</strong> encounters English speakers were observed to<br />

focus more on the interpersonal aspects <strong>of</strong> talk. Conversely, Germans<br />

concentrated more on ideational aspects, for example by 'summing up' what<br />

40

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