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suddenly'freak out'), but to mobilise a self which is receptive to the affective<br />

nature <strong>of</strong> the speaker claim. Such alignment <strong>of</strong> selves may lead to what is<br />

known in English as joint gossiping whereby the negative self becomes<br />

transformed into a more positively charged entity (see 7.4.1).<br />

These emotive bases for negative alignment commonly drawn upon by<br />

affected selves - disgust, heightened amusement, contempt - are common in<br />

English sociable conversation. They occur far less frequently in my German<br />

data set, where such emotive talk seems to be conversationally capped, lest I<br />

would argue it signal a loss <strong>of</strong> control or demeanour on the part <strong>of</strong> the speaker<br />

as player or image. Indeed, there was one particular participant in my German<br />

cohort who regularly - and by German norms quite unusually - pr<strong>of</strong>fered<br />

affected selves in conversational episodes. This person, although <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

supported temporarily in her sudden outburst <strong>of</strong> amusement or disgust, <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

led to collusive 'knowing looks' on the part <strong>of</strong> other participants, who appeared<br />

at these moments to be working hard to avoid the conversation becoming for<br />

example'too silly'.<br />

The final English negative sociable self that I have identified in table 7.1<br />

is what I have termed the abased self. In English sociable conversation,<br />

participants regularly mobilise abased selves. What I am referring to here is<br />

what plays itself out conversationally as the routine (both in situ and as invoked<br />

figures) downplaying, diminishing, casting negatively, or positing as morally<br />

questionable the self as player or image, albeit temporarily and for the duration<br />

<strong>of</strong> any particular period <strong>of</strong> alignment. For example, English speakers will<br />

frequently invoke some abased figure in a narrative. A recurrent example <strong>of</strong> an<br />

abased self is one embedded as the central figure in tales <strong>of</strong> getting drunk,<br />

being embarrassed over some gaffe or faux pas, or engaging in some morally<br />

questionable or regrettable activity (see G<strong>of</strong>fman 1967). In the following<br />

excerpt, JUAL pr<strong>of</strong>fer abased selves in provide an account <strong>of</strong> being drunk on<br />

the way to Stockport one night.<br />

206

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