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Notes to Chapter 5<br />

1 Due to the nature <strong>of</strong> the methodology employed (see Chapter 4), recordings <strong>of</strong> the greeting<br />

phases were not systematically made. As a result, recordings <strong>of</strong> verbal interaction during these<br />

phases was in large not collected verbatim. The discussion <strong>of</strong> the these phases then is based<br />

on a mixture <strong>of</strong> participant observation notes and recollections by both myself and Elke. As<br />

greeting phases constitute a peripheral concern here, I would hope that such a method would<br />

be admissible without undermining the validity <strong>of</strong> the thesis.<br />

2 Hosting or'proxy-hosting' appeared to be much more salient in German gatherings, both<br />

during greeting phases, and throughout the main phase <strong>of</strong> the gathering. It appears that<br />

German hosts displayed much more commitment to the role <strong>of</strong> host than the English who, by<br />

and large, seemed to display a much more ambivalent attitude to this role.<br />

3 Immediately following extended stays in Germany, upon entering English sociable gatherings,<br />

I have <strong>of</strong>ten experienced pulling myself back from the brink <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fering a 'sociable hand'.<br />

4 On the question <strong>of</strong> whether or not follow up calls were actually made, I make this statement<br />

based on my own experience <strong>of</strong> both English and German milieus.<br />

5 Generally, I found that 1 minute <strong>of</strong> talk required at least 10 minutes <strong>of</strong> transcription time.<br />

Extrapolate this to around 25 hours <strong>of</strong> data that was transcribeable, and the task <strong>of</strong> transcribing<br />

all data is proved an impossibility.<br />

6 See Tannen (1984), and more recently Straehle (1997) who, in dealing with similar sized<br />

corpora <strong>of</strong> conversation, note that constructing an outline <strong>of</strong> topics in any given conversation<br />

provides a convenient way <strong>of</strong> '"... get[ting] a handle on the data" when one is confronted with<br />

massive amounts <strong>of</strong> it' (Shuy 1981, cited in Straehle 1997., p. 1 10).<br />

7 Alongside these linguistic and non-lexical differences was the fact that German<br />

conversationalists also displayed this state <strong>of</strong> heightened attentiveness by non-verbal means<br />

such as direct eye contact and fixed gaze, but again with minimal gestural recognition <strong>of</strong><br />

agreement or disagreement.<br />

8 See Straehle (1997) who, in presenting similar findings in comparing US-English - German<br />

conversation, refers to such tendencies as'topic diving' and lopic surfing'.<br />

9 What this implies is that some topic types per se are skewed towards either solidaric (i. e.<br />

'when we were kids) or autonomous (i. e. What I have to report as part <strong>of</strong> my personal<br />

experience / knowledge) expression. I can not expand on this proposition here however, but<br />

future research into topics as vehicles for solidaric or individuated expression might consider the<br />

skewness <strong>of</strong> topic proposition.<br />

10 Of course, the distinction implied here is not a sudden reality shift from one to the other. On<br />

approaching sociable gatherings, one <strong>of</strong>ten feels temporarily displaced, in a sort <strong>of</strong> in between<br />

world, between what the concrete reality one has just left behind, and the sociable reality one is<br />

about to enter.<br />

13A

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