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The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

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118 chapter 7Prudence Only calculations <strong>of</strong> productivity to calculate that there was noresidual to be accounted <strong>for</strong> by causes other th<strong>an</strong> Prudence. When in the1970s I w<strong>an</strong>ted to show that medieval English open fields were insur<strong>an</strong>ce in <strong>an</strong>age <strong>of</strong> terrifying uncertainty I used Prudence Only calculations <strong>of</strong> portfoliobal<strong>an</strong>ce to show that Prudence sufficed to explain the scattering <strong>of</strong> a peas<strong>an</strong>t’splots <strong>of</strong> l<strong>an</strong>d. When in the 1980s I w<strong>an</strong>ted to show how to teach economicsthrough applied examples rather th<strong>an</strong> useless theorem-proving—whichun<strong>for</strong>tunately has since then triumphed in adv<strong>an</strong>ced <strong>an</strong>d some elementaryeconomic education—I used Prudence Only arguments throughout, thoughI was beginning in that decade to worry that they might not suffice.Adam Smith asserted in 1776 that “what is prudence in the conduct <strong>of</strong>every private family c<strong>an</strong> scarce be folly in that <strong>of</strong> a great kingdom.” 4 A splendidlyuseful principle. Hardheaded. No talk <strong>of</strong> love, or <strong>of</strong> <strong>an</strong>y other virtueth<strong>an</strong> prudence. Smith, however, understood well what later economists havegradually come to <strong>for</strong>get. After all, said Smith as early as 1759, we w<strong>an</strong>t peopleto have a bal<strong>an</strong>ced set <strong>of</strong> virtues, including even love, not merely prudence,<strong>an</strong>d this <strong>for</strong> all purposes, sacred, pr<strong>of</strong><strong>an</strong>e, business, pleasure, the good,the useful, the wide world, <strong>an</strong>d the home, too. All. Annette Baier argues in“What Do Women W<strong>an</strong>t in a Moral <strong>The</strong>ory?” that love <strong>an</strong>d obligation, whichare both necessary <strong>for</strong> a society to survive, arise from “appropriate trust.” 5<strong>The</strong> economist <strong>an</strong>d histori<strong>an</strong> Alex<strong>an</strong>der Field has based a similar argumenton biology. He notes that on meeting a str<strong>an</strong>ger in the desert withbread <strong>an</strong>d water that you w<strong>an</strong>t, you do not simply kill him. Why not? Sheerself-interest implies you would, <strong>an</strong>d if you would, he would, too, in <strong>an</strong>ticipation,<strong>an</strong>d the game’s afoot. Once you <strong>an</strong>d he have chatted a while <strong>an</strong>dbuilt up trust, naturally, you will refrain. But how does trust get a ch<strong>an</strong>ce?How did it originate?Field argues that it originates from “modules inhibiting intraspecific violence,”that is, from a very long evolution <strong>of</strong> a taboo on hurting one’s ownkind. 6 <strong>The</strong> “failure to harm” nonkin is hardwired into <strong>an</strong>imals. It evolvedfrom selection at the level <strong>of</strong> the group, Field argues, not the individual. It’sbetter <strong>for</strong> you as a behavioral egoist to kill the m<strong>an</strong> you meet in the desert.But <strong>of</strong> course you are inhibited in doing so, because you are not in fact such<strong>an</strong> egoist: that’s best <strong>for</strong> the hum<strong>an</strong> species.I remember driving once in Amherst past a wom<strong>an</strong> walking towardme on the verge, <strong>an</strong>d the str<strong>an</strong>ge thought entering, “Suppose I run herdown?” I didn’t, I’m very glad to report. But there it was, the potential <strong>for</strong>

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