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The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

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a brief <strong>for</strong> the bourgeois virtues 47relatively poor taxpayer <strong>an</strong>d gives to the relatively rich college student. <strong>The</strong>relatively rich, after all, as Guest notes, send more <strong>of</strong> their kids to college.Those who have the gold, rule. In logic it need not have this regressive effect.If tuitions were raised <strong>for</strong> the rich—<strong>for</strong> example, the medi<strong>an</strong> voter in a richcountry or the predatory class in a poor country—<strong>an</strong>d “scholarships” (thatis, price breaks) given to the poor, it would not. But in the political world weactually have it works in the regressive way. No one who underst<strong>an</strong>ds themedi<strong>an</strong> voter theorem, or governmental predation, should be surprised.I don’t suppose you are open to persuasion that in consequence <strong>of</strong> theway politics actually works the Americ<strong>an</strong> farm program, say, benefits notpoor farmers but big farmers with access to senators in farm states—thussugar quotas <strong>an</strong>d cotton price supports. Or that restrictions on the practice<strong>of</strong> medicine <strong>an</strong>d limitations on the power <strong>of</strong> prescription impoverish <strong>an</strong>dsicken poor patients. Or that shop laws <strong>an</strong>d pl<strong>an</strong>ning permission in Britain<strong>an</strong>d Holl<strong>an</strong>d raise the rental incomes <strong>of</strong> rich High Street or Hoogstraatl<strong>an</strong>dlords at the expense <strong>of</strong> mothers holding badly paying jobs.All right. We c<strong>an</strong> agree to disagree. But I beg you <strong>for</strong> your own sweetgood not to flee unthinkingly to the other extreme, which regards everyproblem as <strong>an</strong> occasion <strong>for</strong> more state coercion <strong>an</strong>d more corporate welfare<strong>an</strong>d more governmental tr<strong>an</strong>sfers to the medi<strong>an</strong> voter or to the country clubbuying her vote. We ride the back <strong>of</strong> a tiger when we give the VladimirVladimirovich Putins <strong>of</strong> our world more power. We damage the poor toboot. I beg you to consider that there might be such a thing as bourgeoisvirtues, the modern freedoms, <strong>an</strong>d that letting people alone to make dealsin a law-respecting society with low taxes helps them <strong>an</strong>d their poor neighborsto flourish, materially <strong>an</strong>d ethically, as Western Europe did 1600 to thepresent, increasingly bourgeois. “It seems safe to say,” writes Joseph Ellis celebratingin 2000 the founding brothers <strong>of</strong> the Americ<strong>an</strong> republic, “thatsome <strong>for</strong>m <strong>of</strong> representative government based on the principle <strong>of</strong> popularsovereignty <strong>an</strong>d some <strong>for</strong>m <strong>of</strong> market economy fueled by the energies <strong>of</strong>individual citizens have become the commonly accepted ingredients <strong>for</strong>national success.” 115 Yes, it seems safe to say.In <strong>The</strong> Origins <strong>of</strong> Virtue (1996), Matt Ridley “glimpses . . . a better way,. . . a society built upon voluntary exch<strong>an</strong>ge <strong>of</strong> goods, in<strong>for</strong>mation, <strong>for</strong>tune<strong>an</strong>d power between free individuals in small enough communities <strong>for</strong> trustto be built. I believe such a society could be more equitable, as well as moreprosperous, th<strong>an</strong> one built on bureaucratic statism.” 116 So do I, <strong>an</strong>d admire

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