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The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

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38 apologyallow themselves to be treated like serfs rather th<strong>an</strong> merch<strong>an</strong>ts they becomeserfs rather th<strong>an</strong> merch<strong>an</strong>ts. Witness Russi<strong>an</strong> history, except <strong>for</strong> the hopefulepisodes 1801–1812, 1905–1914, <strong>an</strong>d 1989–2003.Modern economic growth <strong>an</strong>d modern ethical improvement I wouldclaim—the claim is controversial, <strong>an</strong>d needs to be proven—are a consequence<strong>of</strong> personal freedom in places like Amsterdam in 1568, London in1689, Philadelphia in 1776. Such commercial places viewed freedom as relieffrom <strong>an</strong> oppressive government that would restrict if it could thought <strong>an</strong>dexpression, shut down the newspapers, monopolize the early modernequivalents <strong>of</strong> TV stations.Men <strong>an</strong>d women <strong>of</strong> commerce came to believe in a Locke<strong>an</strong> right <strong>of</strong> selfownership,on the <strong>an</strong>alogy with other ownership. <strong>The</strong> Swiss-French politicalphilosopher <strong>of</strong> early nineteenth-century liberalism, Benjamin Const<strong>an</strong>t,called it “modern” freedom. “Ancient” freedom was rather the collectiveautonomy <strong>of</strong> the community, <strong>an</strong>d the right <strong>of</strong> individuals to participate inits politics. <strong>The</strong> <strong>an</strong>cients “admitted as compatible with this collective freedomthe complete subjection <strong>of</strong> the individual to the authority <strong>of</strong> the community....Amongthe Spart<strong>an</strong>s, <strong>The</strong>rp<strong>an</strong>drus could not add a string to hislyre without causing <strong>of</strong>fense to the ephors. ...<strong>The</strong> individual was . ..subservientto the supremacy <strong>of</strong> the social body [even] in Athens.” 87Why, <strong>for</strong> example, did Jap<strong>an</strong>, which in the mid-eighteenth century was inso m<strong>an</strong>y other ways ready <strong>for</strong> economic growth, wait <strong>an</strong>other hundred yearsto embark on it, only after humiliations by Western powers? Because,I would claim—this is not a controversial claim—the shogunate restrictedaccess to <strong>for</strong>eign thought <strong>an</strong>d expression, closing Jap<strong>an</strong> to most <strong>for</strong>eign contact.<strong>The</strong> turmoil <strong>of</strong> ideas in the West was <strong>for</strong>bidden under the Tokugawashogunate. <strong>The</strong> initial impetus was fear <strong>of</strong> Christi<strong>an</strong>ization. By a law <strong>of</strong> 1635<strong>an</strong>y Jap<strong>an</strong>ese who came back from abroad was executed, which perm<strong>an</strong>entlystr<strong>an</strong>ded m<strong>an</strong>y thous<strong>an</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> Jap<strong>an</strong>ese in places all over Southeast Asia. 88Foreign trade there<strong>for</strong>e was a mere 1 or 2 percent <strong>of</strong> national income, whichmade internal control easy. <strong>The</strong> shogunate exercised a monopoly <strong>of</strong> gunpowder<strong>an</strong>d <strong>an</strong>yway a domin<strong>an</strong>ce over the numerous lesser daimyo—somethinglike half <strong>of</strong> the income <strong>of</strong> the lesser lords was wasted in compulsoryattend<strong>an</strong>ce at the court at Edo. For 264 years the government faced littlecompetition, <strong>an</strong>d after the suppression <strong>of</strong> the Shimabara revolt in 1638 <strong>an</strong>dbe<strong>for</strong>e the disintegration <strong>of</strong> Tokugawa power in the 1860s in the face <strong>of</strong>Western challenge, no competition at all. <strong>The</strong> closing <strong>of</strong> the country was

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