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The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

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a brief <strong>for</strong> the bourgeois virtues 35our wits about us. <strong>The</strong> modern world is different from a zero-sumworld, which Malthus theorized just as it was disappearing <strong>for</strong>ever. Wec<strong>an</strong> keep on innovating, keep up the factor <strong>of</strong> 8.5 or 19. If we have ourwits about us. 77Responding to the real d<strong>an</strong>ger threatening our future, I argue, requiresattention to hum<strong>an</strong> freedom. It is hum<strong>an</strong> freedom which has given us thewits to prosper. This again is not obvious, but volume 2 will try to show thatit is true.A bright future <strong>for</strong> hum<strong>an</strong> freedom there<strong>for</strong>e requires curbing our presentlords. <strong>The</strong>se are not the corporations, which after all control only ourconsumption <strong>of</strong> hamburgers <strong>an</strong>d athletic shoes, <strong>an</strong>d, in view <strong>of</strong> their competition,“control” even those feebly, McDonald’s against Burger King orNike against New Bal<strong>an</strong>ce. Observe that the terrible corporate trusts <strong>of</strong> earliertimes, such as the great <strong>an</strong>d imposing United States Steel, the horrificAmalgamated Copper Comp<strong>an</strong>y, the appalling Americ<strong>an</strong> Telephone <strong>an</strong>dTelegraph Comp<strong>an</strong>y, the gouging Erie <strong>an</strong>d New York Central railway pools,are one with Nineveh <strong>an</strong>d Tyre.A farmer-captured Department <strong>of</strong> Agriculture, though, <strong>an</strong>d a corruptUnited States Congress live on <strong>an</strong>d on <strong>an</strong>d on. At the end <strong>of</strong> 2004 the growers<strong>of</strong> taste-free little machine-harvested tomatoes in Florida were able toblock the exportation from the state <strong>of</strong> ugly but delicious h<strong>an</strong>dpicked varietiesby using the governmental system <strong>of</strong> “marketing orders” first promulgatedas a New Deal measure in 1937. When Americ<strong>an</strong> steel producers gettariffs or when sugar beet growers get import quotas it is not because <strong>of</strong>their market power but because <strong>of</strong> their political power, their access to <strong>an</strong>all-powerful state.<strong>The</strong> ongoing d<strong>an</strong>ger to freedom, in other words, is from the powers <strong>of</strong>the modern state. Its powers have been justified, ironically, by the allegedneed to protect us from the monopoly <strong>of</strong> United States Steel, say, or fromthe low price <strong>of</strong> world sugar, or from terrorists provoked by the same government’sadventures in oil geopolitics.It has long been so. Adam Smith warned in 1776 against imperial adventures<strong>an</strong>d against the monopolizing spirit <strong>of</strong> merch<strong>an</strong>ts <strong>an</strong>d m<strong>an</strong>ufacturers.“<strong>The</strong> interest <strong>of</strong> the dealers . . . in <strong>an</strong>y particular br<strong>an</strong>ch <strong>of</strong> trade or m<strong>an</strong>ufacturesis always in some respects different from, <strong>an</strong>d even opposite to, that<strong>of</strong> the public.” 78 What’s good <strong>for</strong> General Motors is not, in general, good <strong>for</strong>the generality.

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