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The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce

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the <strong>an</strong>xieties <strong>of</strong> bourgeois virtues 499Mr. Moneybags <strong>an</strong>d “endless accumulation” <strong>for</strong> its own sake, whatever thatmight me<strong>an</strong>. <strong>The</strong> hard left’s heaven, likewise, a communist society withoutprivate property, depends on Jesus rather th<strong>an</strong> Sat<strong>an</strong> being a member <strong>of</strong> thePolitburo. In actually existing socialism Sat<strong>an</strong> has had a more successfulpolitical career th<strong>an</strong> Jesus.<strong>The</strong> philosopher Edward Feser has usefully outlined three grounds <strong>for</strong>what he calls “principled libertari<strong>an</strong>ism.” <strong>The</strong> three Enlightenment philosophiesshow up once again. <strong>The</strong> libertari<strong>an</strong>ism <strong>of</strong> Smith’s “simple <strong>an</strong>d obvioussystem <strong>of</strong> natural liberty” c<strong>an</strong> be justified on utilitari<strong>an</strong> grounds, asmaximizing national income. Or it c<strong>an</strong> be justified, as Feser himself <strong>an</strong>dRobert Nozick do, on natural rights <strong>an</strong>d K<strong>an</strong>ti<strong>an</strong> grounds: “the only systemcompatible with respect <strong>for</strong> individuals’ natural rights to life, liberty, <strong>an</strong>dproperty is a libertari<strong>an</strong> one.” 2 Or it c<strong>an</strong> be justified on contractari<strong>an</strong>grounds, as John Rawls does, being what one would choose at the Creation.By Feser’s definitions I am not in fact a “principled” libertari<strong>an</strong>—whichis not to say that I am unprincipled in the nonphilosophical way <strong>of</strong> talking,but that I am pragmatic in the philosophical way <strong>of</strong> talking. That’s fine withme. Such libertari<strong>an</strong>s, Feser puts it, “tend to appeal to empirical considerations,eschewing philosophical <strong>an</strong>alysis in favor <strong>of</strong> economic arguments <strong>an</strong>dhistorical <strong>an</strong>d sociological studies comparing the results <strong>of</strong> free-marketpolicies with those <strong>of</strong> government intervention.” 3 That’s right, as I have triedto do here. As a mere economist <strong>an</strong>d histori<strong>an</strong> I am incapable <strong>of</strong> the f<strong>an</strong>tasiesthat the people <strong>of</strong> principle are so gifted at. I keep being brought upshort by the world as it is, at least as I c<strong>an</strong> discern it through a glass darkly.But if I had to be principled I would reach back be<strong>for</strong>e the FrenchEnlightenment, or back into the Scottish Enlightenment, <strong>an</strong>d <strong>of</strong>fer a fourthjustification <strong>for</strong> the free society, namely, that it leads to <strong>an</strong>d depends onflourishing hum<strong>an</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> virtue. My so-called principle shares some featureswith the “postmodernist bourgeois liberalism” <strong>of</strong> Richard Rorty, or the“agonistic liberalism” <strong>of</strong> Isaiah Berlin, or the “dystopic liberalism” <strong>of</strong> JudithShklar, or the rhetorical pluralism <strong>of</strong> Stuart Hampshire, or the “biblical realism”<strong>of</strong> Reinhold Niebuhr <strong>an</strong>d Michael Novak, or the “cooperation tomutual benefit” plus “light” <strong>of</strong> Robert Nozick, or the feminist virtue ethics<strong>of</strong> Annette Baier or Carol Gillig<strong>an</strong>. 4Such impure mixes have not been popular in the West after K<strong>an</strong>t <strong>an</strong>dBentham <strong>an</strong>d Locke. But they are not there<strong>for</strong>e merely confused. One doesnot, <strong>for</strong> example, have to be <strong>an</strong> <strong>an</strong>timarket communitari<strong>an</strong> to be <strong>an</strong>

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