13.07.2015 Views

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

90 Chapter 4. An analysis of aoristic and imperfective aspectThe predicate λe i senator(e)is the translation of the predicate I be a senator.(112) states that (111) is true iff the whole eventuality of the speakerbe<strong>in</strong>g a senator is <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the topic time, which is here the whole life ofthe speaker until the moment of utterance.In sum, the complexive <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the aorist comes about due tothe selectional restriction of the aorist operator <strong>for</strong> bounded predicates which<strong>in</strong>duces a coercion operator if the aorist is confronted with an unboundedpredicate. I have shown that the maximality operator can function as such acoercion operator. This operator yields the complexive <strong>in</strong>terpretation that amaximal eventuality satisfy<strong>in</strong>g the predicate is <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the topic time, thetime about which we speak.The complexive <strong>in</strong>terpretation is not the only <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the aoristthat arises with unbounded predicates. This comb<strong>in</strong>ation can also lead to an<strong>in</strong>gressive <strong>in</strong>terpretation. I claim that this <strong>in</strong>terpretation emerges <strong>in</strong> a waysimilar to the complexive <strong>in</strong>terpretation. It is also the result of a coercionoperator that solves the mismatch between the selectional restriction of theaorist and the aspectual class of the predicate. This time the relevant coercionoperator is an <strong>in</strong>gressive operator that maps a set of eventualities <strong>in</strong> the extensionof a predicate, <strong>for</strong> example John be k<strong>in</strong>g, to a set of beg<strong>in</strong> eventualities ofJohn be<strong>in</strong>g k<strong>in</strong>g. For this purpose I provisionally propose the operator INGRas def<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> (113):(113) INGR = λPλe[¬ [t e ′τ(e) = IB(t)τ(e ′ ) = tt ′ e ′′t ⊂ t ′t ′ = τ(e ′′ )⊕P(e ′′ )]⊕P(e ′ )]A beg<strong>in</strong> eventuality of k<strong>in</strong>d P is <strong>for</strong>malised as an eventuality e whose runtimeτ(e) is the <strong>in</strong>itial bound (IB) of an <strong>in</strong>terval t that is the runtime of an P eventualitye ′ . 6 The negative condition <strong>in</strong> (113) furthermore guarantees that noP eventuality starts be<strong>for</strong>e an eventuality <strong>in</strong> the extension of INGR(P). Otherwise,e <strong>in</strong> Figure 4.8 would count as a start<strong>in</strong>g eventuality of P if P is true ofe ′ but also of e ′′ , contrary to what we want.INGR is only a provisional <strong>in</strong>gressivity operator. For one th<strong>in</strong>g, it assumesthe existence of eventualities without duration, which may not correspond toour idea of eventualities. 7 A further complication is that, <strong>in</strong>tuitively, whether6 The <strong>in</strong>itial bound function (IB) maps an <strong>in</strong>terval (a convex set of times) t on the latestmoment (a s<strong>in</strong>gleton set of times) just be<strong>for</strong>e t. See also Dowty (1979:140).7 See Kamp (1980) <strong>for</strong> a discussion of the logic of change. If one does not accept eventu-

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!