Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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7.3 Sick<strong>in</strong>g: aspect as focus 165“After that Mardonius sent as a messenger to Athens Alexander, aMacedonian, son of Amyntas, partly because the Persians were ak<strong>in</strong>to him (...), and partly Mardonius sent him because he learned thatAlexander was a protector and benefactor of the Athenians.” Hdt.8.136In (196) the same send<strong>in</strong>g eventuality is mentioned twice, the first time withaoristic aspect, the second time with imperfective aspect. At first sight atleast, this use of the imperfective is puzzl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>for</strong> any temporal theory of aspect,s<strong>in</strong>ce it is <strong>in</strong>tuitively used <strong>for</strong> a complete eventuality. That the imperfectivesometimes seems to be used to refer to complete eventualities hasoften been observed <strong>in</strong> the literature (e.g. Schwyzer and Debrunner 1950:277,Kühner and Gerth 1898:143). Many grammars note that this phenomenon isparticularly common with verba dicendi <strong>in</strong> the broad sense (ibidem). Examplesof verbs that display this behaviour are κελεω keleuō ‘to order’, πέµπωpempō ‘to send’, and δέοµαι deomai ‘to ask’. Blass (1889:410) speaks of Verba,Handlungen bezeichnend, die ihr Ziel und ihre Vollendung <strong>in</strong> dem Thun e<strong>in</strong>esAndern haben (‘verbs that refer to actions that f<strong>in</strong>d their goal and completion<strong>in</strong> the action of someone else’).Several attempts to save a temporal account <strong>for</strong> these k<strong>in</strong>d of exampleshave been proposed <strong>in</strong> the literature. One popular approach is to claim thatthe mean<strong>in</strong>g of the above mentioned verbs does not correspond to the mean<strong>in</strong>gof the English translations that I gave but that the so-called Fortwirkung ispart of the mean<strong>in</strong>gs of these verbs too (see e.g. Svensson 1930:passim, Hettrich1976:61–62). On this view the <strong>Greek</strong> verb πέµπω pempō <strong>in</strong> (196) refers to aneventuality that consists not only of the send<strong>in</strong>g of a messenger but also itseffect, that is, the messenger go and tell his message. Even if the send<strong>in</strong>gitself is completed, the imperfective can be used as long as its effect is not yetcompleted.Note that <strong>in</strong> order to deal with examples like (196), we have to assumethat the verbs <strong>in</strong> question are ambiguous, s<strong>in</strong>ce the aorist <strong>in</strong> the first clauseis not taken to <strong>in</strong>dicate that the Fortwirkung is completed, that is, that themessenger completed his task. It’s only the send<strong>in</strong>g itself that is completed.Sick<strong>in</strong>g (1991, 1996) is not conv<strong>in</strong>ced by this solution and takes exampleslike (196) to be a reason to develop a new, non-temporal approach to aspect<strong>in</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong>. He claims that the choice of aspect relates to focus ratherthan temporal relations. More specifically, he argues that with the aorist, <strong>in</strong>contrast to the imperfective, the verb has focus function, a notion that hedescribes as follows:... I will, without further ado, use the terms ‘focus function’ <strong>for</strong>the part of the unit <strong>in</strong>volved that, from a viewpo<strong>in</strong>t of <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation,is the most prom<strong>in</strong>ent <strong>in</strong> the sense of be<strong>in</strong>g its ‘nucleus’, or the