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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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80 Chapter 4. An analysis of aoristic and imperfective aspectpretation of imperfective aspect and the completive <strong>in</strong>terpretation of aoristicaspect. 2The temporal relation I assign to imperfective aspect deviates from theone proposed by von Stechow et al. (τ(e) ⊇ t TT ). The reason <strong>for</strong> this deviationis the follow<strong>in</strong>g. The <strong>in</strong>tuition that imperfective aspect <strong>in</strong>dicates that theeventuality is ‘go<strong>in</strong>g on’ is not captured by the semantics of von Stechow etal. A necessary <strong>in</strong>gredient <strong>for</strong> captur<strong>in</strong>g this <strong>in</strong>tuition is a cont<strong>in</strong>uation of theeventuality after the end of the topic time, a constellation that the semanticsof von Stechow et al. allows <strong>for</strong> but does not require. For bounded predicates,von Stechow et al. can save their analysis by the <strong>in</strong>sertion of a progressivecoercion operator, as we will see <strong>in</strong> section 4.8. This, however, does not work<strong>for</strong> unbounded predicates. In (102), <strong>for</strong> example, von Stechow et al.’s semanticsdoes not account <strong>for</strong> the <strong>in</strong>tuition that the runn<strong>in</strong>g is ‘not yet completed’:(102) Pierre c o u r a i t.Pierre run.pst.IPFV.3sg“Pierre was runn<strong>in</strong>g”By contrast, this <strong>in</strong>tuition is captured if we assign imperfective aspect a semanticswhich entails that the topic time is a non-f<strong>in</strong>al part of the time of theeventuality, cf. (101a).As <strong>for</strong> tense, follow<strong>in</strong>g Kamp et al., Kle<strong>in</strong>, and von Stechow et al., I take itto make reference to some particular time (the topic time) and to temporallylocate this time with respect to the moment of utterance. The analyses ofKamp et al. and von Stechow et al. differ from that of Kle<strong>in</strong> (see (84)) withrespect to the temporal relation assigned to the present tense. I will follow the<strong>for</strong>mer two and claim that with the present tense the topic time is rather than<strong>in</strong>cludes the utterance time. 3 I propose the follow<strong>in</strong>g semantics <strong>for</strong> the threetenses present, past, and future:(103) a. PRESENT λQ[tTT = n ⊕Q(t TT)] = PRESb. PAST λQ[tTT ≺ n ⊕Q(t TT)] = PASTposal, which <strong>in</strong>dicates that the question whether the aorist has to do with completeness orcompletedness (see, e.g., Comrie 1976:18–19) turns out to be a non-issue once one considersthe notions as relative with respect to a reference po<strong>in</strong>t.2 I will discuss the complexive <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the aorist, that is, the <strong>in</strong>terpretation ofcompletion with unbounded predicates, <strong>in</strong> sections 4.4 and 4.5. As I will show there, thesemantics of the aorist <strong>in</strong> (101b) on its own does not suffice to deal with this <strong>in</strong>terpretation.3 See section 5.3, footnote 2 <strong>for</strong> the motivation of this decision.

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