Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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60 Chapter 3. <strong>Aspect</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>for</strong>mal semanticsis <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the topic time. 26 I will use t TT and τ(e) rather than Kle<strong>in</strong>’s TTand TSit, <strong>for</strong> the topic time and the eventuality time, respectively, to havea uni<strong>for</strong>m representation of the various accounts discussed <strong>in</strong> this thesis. 27 τstill is the function that maps eventualities onto their runtime.(83) imperfective: τ(e) ⊃ t TTperfective: τ(e) ⊆ t TTThis may rem<strong>in</strong>d the reader of the account of Kamp et al. discussed <strong>in</strong> section3.2.1. But apart from a small difference with respect to the temporal relations(Kamp and Reyle 1993 and Kamp, van Genabith, and Reyle 2005 haveτ(s) ○t and τ(s) ⊇ t <strong>for</strong> states (imperfective aspect), respectively), there isalso a more important difference between the two accounts (but see p. 65): <strong>in</strong>one-component theories, such as the ones of Kamp et al. and de Swart, thel<strong>in</strong>k between grammatical aspect and the temporal relation between the topictime (location time) and the runtime of the eventuality is only <strong>in</strong>direct: grammaticalaspect primarily changes aspectual class, aspectual class determ<strong>in</strong>esthe relation between the topic time and the time of the eventuality, and <strong>in</strong> thisway grammatical aspect <strong>in</strong>directly <strong>in</strong>fluences the relation between the topictime and the time of the eventuality. In Kle<strong>in</strong>’s two-component account, onthe other hand, locat<strong>in</strong>g the eventuality with respect to the topic time is theprimary contribution of grammatical aspect.I will now briefly discuss Kle<strong>in</strong>’s (1994) view on tense. Like Kamp et al.,he claims that it establishes a temporal relation between the topic time andthe time of utterance (TU, here n). Present tense <strong>in</strong>dicates that the topic time<strong>in</strong>cludes the utterance time, past tense, that it (completely) precedes it, andfuture, that it (completely) follows it:(84) present: t TT ⊇ npast: t TT ≺ nfuture: t TT ≻ nKle<strong>in</strong> puts some ef<strong>for</strong>t <strong>in</strong> argu<strong>in</strong>g that tense concerns the relation between topictime and utterance time, rather than between eventuality time and utterancetime. 28 For this he uses the follow<strong>in</strong>g example:(85) a. What did you notice when you looked <strong>in</strong>to the room?b. There was a book on the table. It was <strong>in</strong> Russian.26 This is based on Kle<strong>in</strong> (1994:118). On pp. 99-108 he assigns perfective aspect a differenttemporal relation: the topic time overlaps with, but is not (properly or improperly) <strong>in</strong>cluded<strong>in</strong> the eventuality time (t TT ○ τ(e) ∧ t TT ⊈ τ(e)).27 S<strong>in</strong>ce Kle<strong>in</strong> does not <strong>for</strong>malise his account, I use italics (the style used <strong>for</strong> modeltheoreticentities) rather than the typewriter font (used <strong>for</strong> expressions <strong>in</strong> the <strong>for</strong>mal language) <strong>in</strong>the representations of the temporal relations he assigns to grammatical aspect and tense.28 What follows is the motivation I referred to <strong>in</strong> footnote 9.