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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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82 Chapter 4. An analysis of aoristic and imperfective aspectλe p k<strong>in</strong>g(e)<strong>in</strong> (105) is the translation of Perdiccas be k<strong>in</strong>g of the Macedonians,a predicate over eventualities. To keep th<strong>in</strong>gs simple, I will not gobeyond this level of detail. The semantics of the imperfective takes the propertydenoted by this predicate as its <strong>in</strong>put. It returns the set of times that<strong>in</strong>clude the runtime of an eventuality with this property. This set of times isthe <strong>in</strong>put <strong>for</strong> the semantics of the past tense. The past tense specifies thatthe topic time which is be<strong>for</strong>e the utterance time is one of the times <strong>in</strong> thisset. The second l<strong>in</strong>e of (105) reduces to the last l<strong>in</strong>e with the help of lambdaconversion and merg<strong>in</strong>g (see (219) <strong>in</strong> Appendix B <strong>for</strong> the <strong>in</strong>termediate steps<strong>in</strong> the reduction). The last l<strong>in</strong>e reads as follows: there is an eventuality ofPerdiccas be<strong>in</strong>g k<strong>in</strong>g of the Macedonians that temporally <strong>in</strong>cludes the topictime, which precedes the utterance time. The topic time is determ<strong>in</strong>ed by thetemporal subord<strong>in</strong>ate clause as the time of the <strong>in</strong>vasion by Sitalces. Thus, thesemantics provided <strong>for</strong> (104) corresponds to its natural <strong>in</strong>terpretation: at thetime about which we speak there is an eventuality go<strong>in</strong>g on of Perdiccas be<strong>in</strong>gk<strong>in</strong>g. 4 Figure 4.2 represents the outcome graphically.t TT : the time of the <strong>in</strong>vasionτ(e): the time of Perdiccas be<strong>in</strong>g k<strong>in</strong>gFigure 4.2: Graphical representation of (105)In the same way the proposed semantics <strong>for</strong> tense and aspect gives us (107)<strong>for</strong> the second clause <strong>in</strong> (106):(106) Κρο̋Kurosδ οπωde oupōCyrus.nom prt not.yetκεν,hēken,be.present.pst.ipfv.3sgλλall’butτιetistillπ ρ ο σ ή λ α υ ν εprosēlaunemarch.to.pst.IPFV.3sg“Cyrus was not yet present, but he was still march<strong>in</strong>g on.”X. An. 1.5.124 My def<strong>in</strong>itions of boundedness and stativity <strong>for</strong>ce me to accept non-maximal eventualities(with respect to a predicate) as eventualities (of that predicate) as well (otherwise, allpredicates would be unbounded and non-stative) (cf. the discussion <strong>in</strong> section 3.2.2 of thedifferent conceptualisations of eventualities <strong>in</strong> Krifka and Kamp et al.). The consequence<strong>for</strong> (104) is that e is not necessarily the locally maximal be<strong>in</strong>g k<strong>in</strong>g eventuality, s<strong>in</strong>ce thepredicate is unbounded. It may be that e is part of a larger eventuality of which the predicateholds. This makes no difference <strong>for</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terpretation, however, s<strong>in</strong>ce the effect is thesame: the eventuality is not completed with<strong>in</strong> the topic time.

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