Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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7.2 Ruijgh’s moment donné 163utterance timemoment donnéeventuality timeFigure 7.4: The first tense option and the lack of a <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> present-aorist,revised versioncomes from the present tense, then this account wrongly predicts that theredoesn’t exist a <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> present tense and imperfective aspect either. If it comesfrom the aoristic aspect feature, on the other hand, the account deviates fromRuijgh’s orig<strong>in</strong>al account, s<strong>in</strong>ce then aspect does not only concern the relationbetween the eventuality time and the moment donné, but also that betweenthe eventuality time and some other time. The <strong>in</strong>tuition of completion is nolonger captured <strong>in</strong> terms of the relation between eventuality time and momentdonné, but requires a second temporal relation to capture it. But if we havethis second temporal relation (a temporal relation that rem<strong>in</strong>ds us of the oneI propose <strong>for</strong> aoristic aspect), what do we need the moment donné <strong>for</strong>?I have shown that the absence of the <strong>for</strong>m present-aorist cannot be expla<strong>in</strong>edon Ruijgh’s analysis <strong>for</strong> aspect if we assume the first or second option<strong>for</strong> the semantics of tense. 5 It is expla<strong>in</strong>ed on the third option: if the presenttense <strong>in</strong>dicates that both the eventuality time and the moment donné overlapwith the moment of utterance, and aoristic aspect <strong>in</strong>dicates that the eventualityis situated completely be<strong>for</strong>e the moment donné, there is a clash. As5 Of course, one could try to f<strong>in</strong>d a different k<strong>in</strong>d of explanation <strong>for</strong> the absence of this<strong>for</strong>m, not <strong>in</strong> terms of a clash between semantic features. However, Ruijgh himself wants toexpla<strong>in</strong> the absence <strong>in</strong> terms of such a semantic clash:Le thème d’aoriste [aoristic aspect] ne dispose pas d’un <strong>in</strong>dicatif primair[present tense]. En effet, une <strong>for</strong>me constituée d’un thème d’aoristeimmédiatement suivi d’une dés<strong>in</strong>ence primaire exprimerait deux valeurs <strong>in</strong>compatibles:l’achèvement de l’action avant le moment présent et la présencede l’action au moment présent.(The aorist theme [aoristic aspect] does not dispose of a primary <strong>in</strong>dicative[present tense]. In fact, a <strong>for</strong>m made up of an aorist aspect immediately followedby a primary <strong>in</strong>flection would express two <strong>in</strong>compatible values: theachievement of the action be<strong>for</strong>e the moment of utterance and the presence ofthe action at the moment of utterance.) Ruijgh (1991:201)Note that this extract <strong>in</strong>deed suggests the third tense option: the present tense <strong>in</strong>dicatesthat both the moment donné and the eventuality time are, or overlap with, the moment ofutterance.