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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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3.2 The perfective-imperfective dist<strong>in</strong>ction 29As be<strong>for</strong>e, u resolves to y, the discourse marker that represents a previously<strong>in</strong>troduced dog.An important notion is that of accessibility. Consider the m<strong>in</strong>i-discourse<strong>in</strong> (35), a slight modification of (25):(35) John doesn’t own a dog. *He likes it.This m<strong>in</strong>i-discourse is <strong>in</strong>felicitous if a dog is to be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as the antecedentof it (this is what the asterisk is meant to <strong>in</strong>dicate here). In DRT this isaccounted <strong>for</strong> <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g way. Logical connectives, such as negation,yield complex conditions, that is conditions that are themselves constructedout of DRSs (like the conditions <strong>in</strong>troduced by anaphoric expressions). Forexample, if K is a DRS, ¬K, the negation of K, is a complex condition. Thuswe get a hierarchical structure where DRSs are embedded <strong>in</strong> other DRSs. Forthe first sentence of (35) we get:(36)¬xjohn(x)e ydog(y)own(e,x,y)The truth def<strong>in</strong>ition of DRT specifies that (36) is true <strong>in</strong> a model M iff thereis a function f that maps x to an entity <strong>in</strong> M with the name John and this fcannot be extended to a function g that verifies the embedded DRS. Merg<strong>in</strong>g(36) with (28), the prelim<strong>in</strong>ary representation of the second sentence of (35),gives us (37):(37)¬x e ′john(x)e ydog(y)own(e,x,y)like(e ′ ,z,u)zmale(z)unon-human(u)As be<strong>for</strong>e, z and u look <strong>for</strong> antecedents to b<strong>in</strong>d to and z b<strong>in</strong>ds to x. Th<strong>in</strong>gshave changed <strong>for</strong> u, however. The discourse marker y is no longer accessible

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