Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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3.2 The perfective-imperfective dist<strong>in</strong>ction 41element(i), (ii), and (iii) together make the structure a jo<strong>in</strong> semi-lattice and (iv)ensures that there is no bottom element.A part-of relation ⊑ can be def<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> terms of the operation ⊔:(57) e ⊑ e ′ iff e ⊔ e ′ = e ′The proper part-of relation is then def<strong>in</strong>ed as follows:(58) e ⊏ e ′ iff e ⊑ e ′ and e ≠ e ′Krifka def<strong>in</strong>es the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between telic and atelic predicates <strong>for</strong>mallywith the use of this proper part-of relation. He claims that telic predicates arequantised: 14(59) A property P is quantised iff <strong>for</strong> all e, e ′ if P(e) and e ′ ⊏ e then ¬P(e ′ )A predicate is quantised iff no eventuality that is a proper part of an eventuality<strong>in</strong> the extension of the predicate is also <strong>in</strong> its extension. For example, a properpart of an eventuality <strong>in</strong> the extension of the telic predicate John build a houseis not likewise <strong>in</strong> the extension of John build a house (<strong>in</strong> the same way as aproper part of a bottle of water does not count aga<strong>in</strong> as a bottle of water).Atelic predicates, on the other hand, are non-quantised (often called homogeneous).The predicate John walk, <strong>for</strong> example, is non-quantised, given thata part of an eventuality <strong>in</strong> the extension of this predicate is <strong>in</strong> its extensiontoo, except when the parts get too small to count as walk<strong>in</strong>g (<strong>in</strong> the same wayas a part of water still counts as water, up to the level of molecules). Krifkaseems to require moreover that atelic predicates are cumulative. 15 I postponethe discussion of cumulativity to a later po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong> this section.With this <strong>for</strong>malisation of telicity Krifka immediately derives a numberof phenomena that needed some stipulations <strong>in</strong> the DRT accounts discussed<strong>in</strong> the previous section. Let’s first consider the <strong>in</strong>teraction with time-frameadverbials like on Sunday.(60) a. Mary wrote a letter on Sunday.b. Mary was ill on Sunday.c. Mary wrote on Sunday14 Strictly speak<strong>in</strong>g, quanticity is a property of properties, and a predicate is quantised <strong>in</strong>a derived sense only, viz. if it denotes a quantised property.15 Krifka (1989a:90): “Basically, telic predicates can be reconstructed as quantised eventpredicates, and atelic predicates as event predicates which are strictly cumulative (or atleast, non-quantised).” Krifka (1989b:158): “Die Atelizität wird umgekehrt durch die Kumulativitätdes verbalen Prädikats erfaßt werden.” (“Atelicity, by contrast, will be capturedby the cumulativity of the verbal predicate.”)