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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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76 Chapter 4. An analysis of aoristic and imperfective aspectof this language is given <strong>in</strong> Appendix A.The chapter is organised as follows: I first present the aspectual classificationI assume (section 4.2). Then, <strong>in</strong> section 4.3, I show how the semanticsvon Stechow et al. propose <strong>for</strong> perfective and imperfective aspect directly yieldsthe completive <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the <strong>for</strong>mer and the processual <strong>in</strong>terpretationof the latter. In section 4.4 I demonstrate why aoristic aspect requires boundedpredicates, the question left unaddressed <strong>in</strong> the account of von Stechow et al.In section 4.5 we see that Egg’s Duration Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple accounts <strong>for</strong> the choicebetween the <strong>in</strong>gressive and complexive <strong>in</strong>terpretation of aoristic aspect and <strong>in</strong>section 4.7 that the same pr<strong>in</strong>ciple is also responsible <strong>for</strong> the emergence of thehabitual <strong>in</strong>terpretation of imperfective aspect. Section 4.6 is an excursion <strong>in</strong>tothe consequences of restrict<strong>in</strong>g aspectual classes to the level of predicates. Insection 4.8 I demonstrate that the proposed semantics <strong>for</strong> imperfective aspectaccounts <strong>for</strong> the difference between progressive and imperfective aspect withrespect to their ability to comb<strong>in</strong>e with stative predicates. In section 4.9 Ishow how an <strong>in</strong>tensionalised version of the semantics accounts <strong>for</strong> the conative<strong>in</strong>terpretation of imperfective aspect. Section 4.10 summarises my account.4.2 <strong>Aspect</strong>ual classesIn this section I present the aspectual classification assumed <strong>in</strong> my analysis.Follow<strong>in</strong>g the theories discussed <strong>in</strong> the previous chapter, I adopt a Davidsonianevent semantics, that is, I assume that verbs are represented as predicates withan additional argument slot <strong>for</strong> an eventuality variable. Furthermore, I adoptthe idea that grammatical aspects work on predicates of eventualities (as do deSwart, Krifka, and von Stechow et al.). As I am <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>teractionbetween grammatical aspect and aspectual class, my aspectual classificationis restricted to predicates of eventualities. I do not go beyond that level. Myclassification is based on two properties of predicates of eventualities: boundednessand stativity.For the property of boundedness, I adopt Krifka’s def<strong>in</strong>ition of quanticity(cf. (59)):(99) A property P is bounded iff <strong>for</strong> all e, e ′ if P(e) and e ′ ⊏ e then ¬P(e ′ )This def<strong>in</strong>ition states that the extension of a bounded predicate never conta<strong>in</strong>san eventuality as well as one of its proper parts. This makes, <strong>for</strong> example,John write a letter a bounded predicate, <strong>in</strong> contrast to, <strong>for</strong> example, Johnbe <strong>in</strong> the pub or John waltz. Parts of eventualities <strong>in</strong> the extensions of thelatter predicates may be <strong>in</strong> their extensions as well, and there<strong>for</strong>e they areunbounded.The last two predicates are dist<strong>in</strong>guished by the property of stativity. If a

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