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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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3.2 The perfective-imperfective dist<strong>in</strong>ction 39not the latter the notion is used to account <strong>for</strong> the phenomenon of narrativeprogression. With its emphasis on the role of the location time the <strong>for</strong>meraccount comes quite close to the account of Kle<strong>in</strong> to be discussed <strong>in</strong> section3.2.4.Let’s summarise and evaluate the DRT proposals of aspect discussed <strong>in</strong> the<strong>for</strong>ego<strong>in</strong>g. As a dynamic framework, DRT is particularly suited to deal withthe contribution aspect makes to a discourse. In the accounts discussed, thefact that we <strong>in</strong>terpret the eventualities described <strong>in</strong> a discourse as temporallyrelated to each other is ascribed to the anaphoric nature of tense. <strong>Aspect</strong>serves to specify this temporal relation. Here the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between eventsand states is crucial. Sentences <strong>in</strong> the passé simple (perfective aspect) describeevents, sentences <strong>in</strong> the imparfait (imperfective aspect) describe states, andevent-describ<strong>in</strong>g sentences connect to a discourse <strong>in</strong> a way different from statedescrib<strong>in</strong>gsentences.Two questions rema<strong>in</strong> unanswered <strong>in</strong> these accounts. First, why is it thatevents and states behave differently? That is, we get the correct results because<strong>in</strong> the construction algorithm events are made to follow the reference po<strong>in</strong>t andstates to <strong>in</strong>clude it, and events to be <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the location time and states to<strong>in</strong>clude it or, at least, overlap with it. But why do events and states engage <strong>in</strong>different temporal relations with the reference po<strong>in</strong>t and location time? Whatproperty of events and states (or eventive and stative predicates) accounts<strong>for</strong> this difference? In fact, it rema<strong>in</strong>s unclear what is the difference betweenstates and events and there<strong>for</strong>e these proposals have little explanatory power.The second rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g question is how the <strong>in</strong>gressive <strong>in</strong>terpretation of perfectiveaspect and the habitual <strong>in</strong>terpretation of imperfective aspect come about.With the focus on the effect of aspect on the temporal structure of discourse,the DRT proposals discussed ignore these <strong>in</strong>terpretations. It may be that theaccounts help to understand the ma<strong>in</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ction completed (perfective) versusnot-completed (imperfective), but they do not solve the puzzle concern<strong>in</strong>g thevarious <strong>in</strong>terpretations of both perfective and imperfective aspect. It is thispuzzle that is central to this thesis. Ideally, an account of aspect should give auni<strong>for</strong>m treatment of these two features of the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of aspect, viz. thevariety <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation and the effect on the temporal structure of discourse.In the follow<strong>in</strong>g subsection I will come back to the first question. I willdiscuss an alternative and less ad hoc account of the temporal phenomena theDRT accounts were concerned with, us<strong>in</strong>g Krifka’s notions of homogeneousand quantised reference. In section 3.2.3 I will discuss an extension of DRTthat deals with the second issue.

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