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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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4.9 The conative and likelihood <strong>in</strong>terpretations 113(140) PROG ′ = λPλe w ′Inert τ(e) (w 0 ,w ′ ) → [ t e ′τ(e) ·⊃ tτ(e ′ ) ⊆ t⊕P(w ′ )(e ′ )]The ma<strong>in</strong> difference with my account is that I <strong>in</strong>tensionalise the semanticsof the imperfective itself, whereas they capture the <strong>in</strong>tensional element with anadditional operator. As a result imperfectivity comes on top of progressivity<strong>in</strong> their account. For (134a) we get the logical <strong>for</strong>m <strong>in</strong> (141) (<strong>for</strong> INCLUDED,see (87); <strong>for</strong> the full derivation, see (224) <strong>in</strong> Appendix B):(141) PAST(INCLUDED(PROG ′ (λwλe m cross(e,w))))= λQ[tTT ≺ n ⊕Q(t TT)](λPλt[eτ(e) ⊇ t ⊕P(e)](λPλe w ′Inert τ(e) (w 0 ,w ′ ) → [ t e ′τ(e) ·⊃ tτ(e ′ ) ⊆ t⊕P(w ′ )(e ′ )](λwλe m cross(e,w))))≡et e ′w ′Inert τ(e) (w 0 ,w ′ ) → m cross(e ′ ,w ′ )τ(e) ·⊃ tτ(e ′ ) ⊆ tτ(e) ⊇ t TTt TT ≺ nWithout go<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> too much detail, notice that the imperfective and progressiveoperators contribute three temporal relations <strong>in</strong> total. Stack<strong>in</strong>g thesetemporal relations gives the wrong result that the complete eventuality ofcross<strong>in</strong>g the street e ′ can be <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the topic time t TT (see Figure 4.13).This completely undoes the <strong>in</strong>tended ‘go<strong>in</strong>g on’ <strong>in</strong>terpretation of imperfectiveaspect.

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