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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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154 Chapter 6. The temporal structure of discourseencounter which occurred <strong>in</strong> the sixth year, that dur<strong>in</strong>g the battle theday was suddenly turned to night. Thales of Miletus had <strong>for</strong>etoldaorthis loss of daylight to the Ionians, fix<strong>in</strong>g it with<strong>in</strong> the year <strong>in</strong>which the change did <strong>in</strong>deed happen.” Hdt. 1.74.2(191) is an example of the aorist where we go backward rather than <strong>for</strong>ward <strong>in</strong>narrative time: the natural <strong>in</strong>terpretation is that the prediction of the eclipsehappens be<strong>for</strong>e the eclipse itself. Here the default b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g rule <strong>for</strong> the aoristis overruled by the lexical knowledge that one <strong>for</strong>etells someth<strong>in</strong>g be<strong>for</strong>e ithappens. I believe that <strong>for</strong> (191) it is natural to assume that a time <strong>in</strong> thepast of the eclipse is accommodated to which the topic time of the <strong>for</strong>etell<strong>in</strong>gclause b<strong>in</strong>ds.The fact that the <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> aorist shows quite a large degree of flexibilitycan be partly expla<strong>in</strong>ed by the fact that this language does not have a<strong>for</strong>m that exclusively expresses that an eventuality takes place prior to some(contextually given) reference time, that is, a <strong>for</strong>m to express a past-<strong>in</strong>-thepast(the <strong>Greek</strong> pluperfect <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g a perfect-<strong>in</strong>-the-past, see e.g. Kühner andGerth 1898:151). Lack<strong>in</strong>g such a <strong>for</strong>m, <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> has to f<strong>in</strong>d a solutionand uses the aorist <strong>in</strong> this case, as <strong>in</strong> (191). By contrast, <strong>in</strong> French, which hasits plus-que-parfait to express a past-<strong>in</strong>-the-past, the passé simple does not allow<strong>for</strong> a reverse order <strong>in</strong>terpretation (<strong>in</strong> absence of a temporal adverbial) (seee.g. Molendijk et al. 2004:284–288). (192) (from Molendijk et al. 2004:285),<strong>for</strong> example, does not have the <strong>in</strong>terpretation that the push<strong>in</strong>g precedes thefall<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>in</strong> contrast to its English translation (193) (from Lascarides and Asher1993:438):(192) Max tomba. John le poussa.Max fall.pst.pfv. John him push.pst.pfv“Max fell. John pushed him.”(193) Max fell. John pushed him.The use of the passé simple to express a past-<strong>in</strong>-the-past is blocked by theexistence of a better <strong>for</strong>m to express this. 13 <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong>, on the other hand,lack<strong>in</strong>g this <strong>for</strong>m, can use the aorist and deviate from its default b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g rules.6.3.6 Autonomous use of the aoristThis leaves me with the autonomous use of the aorist, the use of the aorist <strong>for</strong>eventualities that are not situated <strong>in</strong> the time of the story, as illustrated <strong>in</strong> (166)and (167). The impression is that <strong>in</strong> these cases the eventualities are presented13 This leaves unexpla<strong>in</strong>ed why <strong>in</strong> English, hav<strong>in</strong>g a pluperfect serv<strong>in</strong>g as a past-<strong>in</strong>-thepast<strong>for</strong>m, it is possible to get a reverse order <strong>in</strong>terpretation with the simple past, as (193)shows.

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