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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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78 Chapter 4. An analysis of aoristic and imperfective aspect<strong>for</strong> the data I am concerned with. If an ontological dist<strong>in</strong>ction would prove tomake th<strong>in</strong>gs easier, I would not hesitate to adopt it, but I don’t th<strong>in</strong>k it would.On the contrary, and this is my ma<strong>in</strong> objection, it makes the <strong>for</strong>mulation ofoperators that cause a shift <strong>in</strong> aspectual class much more complicated, as wewill see <strong>in</strong> section 4.6. For these reasons, I will restrict the dist<strong>in</strong>ction to thelevel of predicates.As a consequence of restrict<strong>in</strong>g aspectual class dist<strong>in</strong>ctions to the level ofthe predicate, a mismatch <strong>in</strong> aspectual class cannot be <strong>for</strong>malised as a typetheoreticor sortal clash <strong>in</strong> the way de Swart (1998) and Egg (2005) implementit. Instead we need an alternative way to do this, which I will present <strong>in</strong> section4.6.4.3 Completed vs. go<strong>in</strong>g on: the completiveand processual <strong>in</strong>terpretationsThe evaluation of one-component theories of aspect (theories <strong>in</strong> which the primarycontribution of aspect is a change <strong>in</strong> aspectual class) <strong>in</strong> section 3.2.3 hasdemonstrated that such theories, when adapted to the <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> data,end up with a vacuous semantics <strong>for</strong> aoristic and imperfective aspect (on acoercion approach) or are <strong>for</strong>ced to postulate an ambiguity <strong>for</strong> the two (ona non-coercion approach). There<strong>for</strong>e, I propose a two-component theory ofaspect, that is, a theory <strong>in</strong> which the primary contribution of grammaticalaspect is someth<strong>in</strong>g different from a change <strong>in</strong> aspectual class. I follow Kle<strong>in</strong>’s(1994) proposal <strong>in</strong> posit<strong>in</strong>g that grammatical aspect concerns the relation betweenthe time of the eventuality and the topic time. More precisely, I adopta semantics <strong>for</strong> imperfective and aoristic aspect that is very similar to vonStechow et al.’s INCLUDED and INCLUDES (see (87)), respectively (see below <strong>for</strong>the differences). Formulated <strong>in</strong> terms of DRSs I propose:(101) a. IMP λPλt[b. AOR λPλt[eτ(e) ·⊃ t ⊕P(e)]eτ(e) ⊆ t ⊕P(e)]= IMP= AORThree remarks on the notation. First, as one can see, IMP andIMP are not used<strong>in</strong>terchangeably. IMP stands <strong>for</strong> the imperfective markers (morphemes) used<strong>in</strong> natural languages, whereas IMP abbreviates the translation of IMP <strong>in</strong>to our<strong>for</strong>mal language. Second, ‘τ(e) ·⊃ t’ reads as ‘t is a non-f<strong>in</strong>al subset of τ(e)’(see Appendix C.3). Third, whereas it is easiest to keep th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g of e and t asvariables over eventualities and times, respectively, they are actually constants

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