Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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3.3 <strong>Aspect</strong>ual coercion 71the term coercion <strong>for</strong> this phenomenon.Moens and Steedman relate the aspectual classes and the shifts betweenthem to a complex event structure which they call a nucleus, consist<strong>in</strong>g of apreparatory process, a culm<strong>in</strong>ation po<strong>in</strong>t, and a consequent state.preparatory processconsequent stateculm<strong>in</strong>ation po<strong>in</strong>tFigure 3.8: Nucleus (Moens and Steedman 1988:13)Predicates of different aspectual classes are are <strong>in</strong>terpreted as describ<strong>in</strong>geventualities that consist of different parts of nuclei: culm<strong>in</strong>ated process predicatesrefer to the whole nucleus, process predicates to the preparatory process,culm<strong>in</strong>ation predicates to the comb<strong>in</strong>ation of culm<strong>in</strong>ation po<strong>in</strong>t and consequentstate, and po<strong>in</strong>ts to the culm<strong>in</strong>ation po<strong>in</strong>t only (Moens 1987:65). <strong>Aspect</strong>ualtransitions are then automatically related to the nucleus as well: they oftenconsist of add<strong>in</strong>g or remov<strong>in</strong>g part of the nucleus structure.Let’s consider some examples. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Moens and Steedman’s analysis,the progressive requires process predicates. Thus (94a) is f<strong>in</strong>e, but (94b)and (94c) <strong>in</strong>volve coercion.(94) a. Harry was runn<strong>in</strong>g.b. #Harry was hiccupp<strong>in</strong>g.c. #Harry was reach<strong>in</strong>g the top.Harry hiccup is a po<strong>in</strong>t predicate. As we can see <strong>in</strong> Figure 3.7 a po<strong>in</strong>t predicatecan be re<strong>in</strong>terpreted as a process predicate by giv<strong>in</strong>g it an iterative <strong>in</strong>terpretation.Only then the selectional restrictions of the progressive operator arefulfilled. The result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terpretation is that an iteration of hiccupp<strong>in</strong>g eventualitiesby John was <strong>in</strong> progress.Harry reach the top is a culm<strong>in</strong>ation predicate. We can read off the figurethat there is no direct path through the network from culm<strong>in</strong>ation predicatesto process predicates. Instead there are two paths that both consist of twosteps. The most plausible path is the one <strong>in</strong> which the culm<strong>in</strong>ation predicateis first turned <strong>in</strong>to a culm<strong>in</strong>ated process by add<strong>in</strong>g a preparatory process, andthen the culm<strong>in</strong>ated process predicate is turned <strong>in</strong>to a process predicate by‘stripp<strong>in</strong>g off’ the culm<strong>in</strong>ation po<strong>in</strong>t. Thus, (94c) describes the preparatoryprocess of John reach<strong>in</strong>g the top as go<strong>in</strong>g on. A re<strong>in</strong>terpretation path via thepo<strong>in</strong>t class is <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple possible too, although it is not likely as it would<strong>in</strong>volve an iterative eventuality of reach<strong>in</strong>g the top.This last example illustrates the prom<strong>in</strong>ent role of world knowledge <strong>in</strong>re<strong>in</strong>terpretation phenomena. A mismatch <strong>in</strong> aspectual class <strong>in</strong>dicates that