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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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126 Chapter 5. <strong>Aspect</strong> and per<strong>for</strong>mativity: the tragic aoristeventualities are rare, however. So the reason that <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> does nothave a <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> aoristic aspect and present tense is that there is little use <strong>for</strong>it. 2 Support <strong>for</strong> this view may be found <strong>in</strong> the development of the <strong>Ancient</strong><strong>Greek</strong> tense and aspect system. It has been argued, <strong>for</strong> example by Hewsonand Bubenik (1997), that <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>ally had a b<strong>in</strong>ary tense systemwith dist<strong>in</strong>ct <strong>for</strong>ms <strong>for</strong> past and non-past tense, the latter cover<strong>in</strong>g the mean<strong>in</strong>gof the present and future tense <strong>in</strong> a ternary tense system. On this view, the<strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> aoristic aspect and non-past tense is what later became the <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong>a genu<strong>in</strong>e future tense. This hypothesis expla<strong>in</strong>s the morphological similaritybetween the (sigmatic) aorist and (sigmatic) future. But how did this <strong>for</strong>m<strong>for</strong> aoristic aspect and non-past tense develop <strong>in</strong>to a future tense? This developmentis expla<strong>in</strong>ed neatly if we assume the tension between aoristic aspectand present tense argued <strong>for</strong> above: <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, the <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> aoristic aspectand non-past tense could be used to refer to the present time as well as to thefuture. But, as I have shown, the possibilities <strong>for</strong> us<strong>in</strong>g aoristic aspect to referto the present time are very restricted <strong>for</strong> semantic reasons. For this reason,the <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> non-past tense and aoristic aspect was <strong>in</strong> fact almost exclusivelyused <strong>for</strong> future time reference and began to be felt as a future tense. Fromthere it developed <strong>in</strong>to a genu<strong>in</strong>e future tense. 3In sum, there is no <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> the comb<strong>in</strong>ation present tense and aoristicaspect because there is a tension between their semantic contributions: thereare very few situations that hold exactly at the moment of speak<strong>in</strong>g. Butalthough there is little use <strong>for</strong> this comb<strong>in</strong>ation, from a semantic perspectivethe comb<strong>in</strong>ation is not completely impossible. In the next section I will showthat per<strong>for</strong>matives represent one of the few cases where we would expect the<strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> aoristic aspect and present tense, the <strong>for</strong>m that is miss<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong>2 This explanation of the lack of a <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> aoristic aspect and present tense h<strong>in</strong>ges onthe assumption that the present tense states that the topic time is, rather than <strong>in</strong>cludes theutterance time. As I have mentioned <strong>in</strong> section 4.3 the <strong>for</strong>mer option is pursued by Kampet al. and von Stechow et al., the latter by Kle<strong>in</strong>. The reason that I followed the <strong>for</strong>mer isexactly that this makes it easy to see why there is no <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> the comb<strong>in</strong>ation of aoristicaspect and present tense. If, on the other hand, the contribution of the present tense isthat the topic time <strong>in</strong>cludes the moment of utterance, this absence cannot be accounted <strong>for</strong>,at least not <strong>in</strong> a straight<strong>for</strong>ward way. In fact, we would predict that the <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> aoristicaspect and present tense can even be used if the eventuality time does not overlap with theutterance time at all, <strong>for</strong> we have the conditions τ(e) ⊆ t TT and n ⊆ t TT which allows thatτ(e) does not overlap with n.3 As Eyste<strong>in</strong> Dahl (p.c.) has po<strong>in</strong>ted out to me, Hewson and Bubenik’s (1997) hypothesisof the relationship between the (sigmatic) aorist and (sigmatic) future <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> issomewhat controversial with<strong>in</strong> the Indo-European research community, despite its advantages.Tichy (2006:307–308, 311–318), <strong>for</strong> example, assume that the <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> sigmaticfuture derives from an <strong>in</strong>dependent sigmatic voluntative. This, however, does not affect theabove given explanation <strong>for</strong> the lack of the <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> aoristic aspect and present tense <strong>in</strong>terms of a semantic tension.

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