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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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3.2 The perfective-imperfective dist<strong>in</strong>ction 61Suppose that (85a) is a question of a judge <strong>in</strong> a court room and (85b) theanswer of a witness. The judge’s question fixes the topic time, the time aboutwhich the witness is asked to speak. If the book was <strong>in</strong> Russian at sometime <strong>in</strong> the past, it is still <strong>in</strong> Russian at the time of utterance. This meansthat if tense would concern the relation between the time of the eventualityand the time of utterance, we would expect to have a present tense <strong>in</strong> thesecond part of the answer (it is <strong>in</strong> Russian), s<strong>in</strong>ce the time of the eventualityof the book be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Russian overlaps with the utterance time. By contrast,the topic time is completely <strong>in</strong> the past of the utterance time. The fact that<strong>in</strong> the second sentence of (85b) a past tense is used, is there<strong>for</strong>e taken as anargument that tense concerns the relation between utterance time and topictime. As a consequence, the relation between eventuality time and utterancetime is only <strong>in</strong>direct, mediated via the topic time: <strong>Aspect</strong> relates eventualitytime to topic time and tense relates topic time to utterance time.Kle<strong>in</strong>’s proposal correctly predicts that sentences with imperfective andperfective aspect behave differently <strong>in</strong> this respect. Whereas <strong>in</strong> (85) (withimperfective aspect accord<strong>in</strong>g to Kle<strong>in</strong>) it is possible that the eventuality ofthe book be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Russian overlaps with the utterance time, <strong>in</strong> (86) (withperfective aspect accord<strong>in</strong>g to Kle<strong>in</strong>), it is not.(86) Mary wrote the letter.Kle<strong>in</strong>’s theory expla<strong>in</strong>s this <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g way: if t TT precedes n and τ(e)<strong>in</strong>cludes t TT (imperfective aspect), it is possible that τ(e) <strong>in</strong>cludes n as well,but if τ(e) is <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> t TT (perfective aspect) this is not possible. This isrepresented graphically <strong>in</strong> the upper part of Figure 3.6.It should be noted that this argument is not compulsory if one acceptsnon-maximal eventualities (with respect to a predicate) as eventualities (<strong>in</strong>the extension of the predicate) <strong>in</strong> the way Krifka does. If the dist<strong>in</strong>ction betweenperfective and imperfective aspect is a dist<strong>in</strong>ction between quantisedand homogeneous predicates (<strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e with Krifka 1989b and de Swart 1998),we get the correct results as well, without mediation of a topic time. This isillustrated <strong>in</strong> the lower part of Figure 3.6. Given the def<strong>in</strong>ition of homogeneousreference, the existence of an eventuality e of which a homogeneous predicate(imperfective aspect) holds does not preclude the existence of a larger eventualitye ′ of which the predicate holds that <strong>in</strong>cludes the time of utterance. This,however, is impossible with quantised predicates (perfective aspect).Gerö and von Stechow (2003) and Paslawska and von Stechow (2003)(hence<strong>for</strong>th von Stechow et al.) adopt Kle<strong>in</strong>’s semantics <strong>for</strong> tense and aspectand <strong>for</strong>malise it <strong>in</strong> a typed lambda-calculus. In their accounts aspect stillconcerns the relation between topic time and eventuality time, but an aspectmorpheme does not correspond one-to-one to such a temporal relation. Morespecifically, they claim the follow<strong>in</strong>g temporal relations to be of importance

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