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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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4.3 Completed vs. go<strong>in</strong>g on: the completive and processual <strong>in</strong>terpretations 83(107) PAST(IMP(λe c march(e)))= λQ[tTT ≺ n ⊕Q(t TT)](λPλt[eτ(e) ·⊃ t ⊕P(e)](λe c march(e) ))e≡τ(e) ·⊃ t TTc march(e)t TT ≺ nIn (106), the topic time is fixed by the context as a time when Clearchus isrid<strong>in</strong>g through Menon’s army. (107) specifies that (106) is true iff there isan eventuality of Cyrus march<strong>in</strong>g that temporally <strong>in</strong>cludes the topic time (atime when Clearchus is rid<strong>in</strong>g through the army), which precedes the utterancetime. This gives the correct truth conditions: at the end of the topic time, theeventuality e is still cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g, which yields the effect of ‘go<strong>in</strong>g on’.t TT : a time of Clearchus’ rid<strong>in</strong>gthrough Menon’s armyτ(e): the time of the march of CyrusFigure 4.3: Graphical representation of (136)There are two rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g cases concern<strong>in</strong>g imperfective aspect that deservesome closer attention: the imperfective with stative predicates and the imperfectivewith bounded predicates. I will discuss them <strong>in</strong> section 4.8 and 4.9,respectively.But let us first have a look at aoristic aspect. Follow<strong>in</strong>g the same recipeas above, the proposed semantics of tense and aspect gives (109) <strong>for</strong> (108) (=(11)), an example of the completive <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the aorist:(108) τtoµευmeuνάκο̋nakosχθ̋echthes κ λ ε ψ ε ν.eklepsen.the.acc I.gen sk<strong>in</strong>-coat.acc yesterday steal.pst.AOR.3sg“He (= Lacon) stole my sk<strong>in</strong>-coat yesterday.” Theoc. Id. 5.2(109) PAST(AOR(λe l steal(e)))= λQ[tTT ≺ n ⊕Q(t eTT)](λPλt[τ(e) ⊆ t ⊕P(e)](λe l steal(e) ))

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