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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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166 Chapter 7. Comparison to theories <strong>in</strong> Classicspart ‘to which the speaker especially draws the hearer’s attention.’Sick<strong>in</strong>g (1996:75)Un<strong>for</strong>tunately, Sick<strong>in</strong>g’s notion of focus function is not worked out <strong>in</strong> muchdetail, though the follow<strong>in</strong>g example may clarify what he has <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d. Accord<strong>in</strong>gto Sick<strong>in</strong>g, if he gave a sword is said <strong>in</strong> answer to the question whatdid he do?, gave is part of the focused <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation; if it is said <strong>in</strong> answer tothe question what did he give?, gave is part of the topical <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation (Sick<strong>in</strong>g1996:6-7; <strong>for</strong> similar examples, see Sick<strong>in</strong>g 1991:29). The focal <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation ofa sentence may thus be identified by check<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> which discourse context itis or can be felicitously used. More specifically, a syntactic constituent is a‘focus’ if it correlates which the questioned part of a preced<strong>in</strong>g question. Thenon-focal rema<strong>in</strong>der is called the background which conta<strong>in</strong>s the topical <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation(to revert to Sick<strong>in</strong>g’s term<strong>in</strong>ology). This explication of focal versusnon-focal <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation has a long history and goes back at least to Paul (1880).Nowadays it is common to see question-answer congruence as the primary testto dist<strong>in</strong>guish focal from non-focal <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation. This explication is moreoverfully compatible with Sick<strong>in</strong>g’s claim cited above that from the viewpo<strong>in</strong>t of<strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation focal <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation is given by most prom<strong>in</strong>ent part of a sentence.Sick<strong>in</strong>g’s central claim can now be stated as follows: if a verb <strong>in</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> occursas part of the focused <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation, it’s <strong>in</strong> the aorist; if it is part of the non-focal<strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation, imperfective aspect is used.Let’s apply Sick<strong>in</strong>g’s analysis to (196). The first time the send<strong>in</strong>g eventualityis mentioned the verb <strong>for</strong>m is part of the focused <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation. Sick<strong>in</strong>gclaims that this is why the aorist is used. With the second mention, the existenceof this eventuality is backgrounded <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation, hence the imperfective.Sick<strong>in</strong>g claims that his focus account also expla<strong>in</strong>s why aspect is traditionallyexpla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> terms of temporal relations. After not<strong>in</strong>g that we often<strong>in</strong>terpret an overlap relation with imperfective aspect, he cont<strong>in</strong>uesThis is just what one expects s<strong>in</strong>ce:1. PS [imperfective aspect] is crucially associated with the presentationof <strong>in</strong>troductory, backgrounded or otherwise subsidiarymaterial, and,2. backgrounded clauses more often than not refer to durativesituations, which, by def<strong>in</strong>ition, will be go<strong>in</strong>g on at the momentthe event referred to by the ma<strong>in</strong> verb occurs.Sick<strong>in</strong>g (1996:36; emphasis <strong>in</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al)Aga<strong>in</strong>, it is difficult to get at what exactly Sick<strong>in</strong>g is after. For if focus is used<strong>in</strong> the same sense as be<strong>for</strong>e, it is unclear why verbs without focus function

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