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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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170 Chapter 7. Comparison to theories <strong>in</strong> Classicsof <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation structure, or maybe someth<strong>in</strong>g else.In this light, it is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g to consider to Grønn’s (2003) dissertationabout a similar phenomenon <strong>in</strong> Russian. He develops a temporal approach toaspect <strong>in</strong> general, but wants to expla<strong>in</strong> the often observed fact that Russianimperfective aspect is sometimes used <strong>for</strong> complete eventualities (see, <strong>for</strong> example,Forsyth 1970, to whom Sick<strong>in</strong>g also refers). He labels this the factualuse of imperfective aspect. In order to expla<strong>in</strong> the data, Grønn has to makequite some dist<strong>in</strong>ctions with<strong>in</strong> this use. First he divides the factual use <strong>in</strong>tothe presuppositional and existential use. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Grønn, with the <strong>for</strong>mer,the existence of the eventuality to which the verb refers is presupposed.This resembles Sick<strong>in</strong>g’s account <strong>in</strong> terms of focus. Grønn recognises howeverthat this does not hold <strong>for</strong> all <strong>in</strong>stances of the factual imperfective. With theexistential use, the existence of the eventuality is asserted rather than presupposed.The class of existential uses isn’t homogeneous either, and Grønndivides it <strong>in</strong>to an experiential, bidirectional, and cyclic use. I don’t knowwhether the phenomena <strong>in</strong> Russian and <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> are exactly the same,but the Russian data may shed new light on this puzzle <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong>.To conclude, I take it to be the major drawback of Sick<strong>in</strong>g’s focus accountthat the key notion of focus is ill-def<strong>in</strong>ed. On the above-given <strong>in</strong>terpretation ofthis notion, which seems the one <strong>in</strong>tended by Sick<strong>in</strong>g, his account is untenableas a general account of aspect. This is due to (i) its <strong>in</strong>ability to deal withthe temporal <strong>in</strong>terpretations, (ii) its <strong>in</strong>ability to expla<strong>in</strong> the lack of a <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong>aoristic aspect and present tense, and (iii) the existence of counterexamples.Nevertheless, I acknowledge the existence of examples that are problematic <strong>for</strong>a temporal account of aspect.In this chapter I have discussed two <strong>in</strong>fluential approaches to <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong>aspect found <strong>in</strong> the literature, that of Ruijgh <strong>in</strong> terms of temporal relationswith respect to a moment donné and that of Sick<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> terms of focus. I haveargued that the account of aspect developed <strong>in</strong> the present work is preferableover both.

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