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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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7.2 Ruijgh’s moment donné 161Actually, the problem is worse than this: not only are the actual remarksat odds with a uni<strong>for</strong>m account of tense, it is simply impossible to comb<strong>in</strong>eRuijgh’s account of aspect with a uni<strong>for</strong>m account of tense, even if we ignorehis remarks about the location of the moment donné <strong>for</strong> the various tenseaspectpairs. In other words, Ruijgh’s account of aspect is problematic <strong>for</strong> anyuni<strong>for</strong>m semantics of tense, as I will show now.There are (at least) two phenomena that Ruijgh would like to expla<strong>in</strong> withhis approach to aspect: the autonomous use of the aorist (see the previouschapter) and the lack of a <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> the comb<strong>in</strong>ation present tense and aoristicaspect (see chapter 5). As I will show, however, given Ruijgh’s analysis ofaspect, these two phenomena impose conflict<strong>in</strong>g constra<strong>in</strong>ts on a theory oftense. The <strong>for</strong>mer requires the first tense option, the latter the third.Let’s start with the autonomous use of the aorist. This use is the reasonwhy Ruijgh allows the moment donné to be the moment of utterance <strong>for</strong> thecomb<strong>in</strong>ation past-aorist, s<strong>in</strong>ce he claims that with this use the moment donnéis the moment of utterance. Imperfective aspect then does not have this use,<strong>for</strong> with the past-imperfective the moment donné cannot be the moment ofutterance. 4 As we have seen, the fact that with the comb<strong>in</strong>ation past-aoristthe moment donné can be the moment of utterance excludes the second andthird options: tense does not locate the moment donné with respect to themoment of utterance. Hence, the autonomous use of the aorist requires thefirst tense option, <strong>in</strong> which tense locates the time of the eventuality with respectto the moment of utterance.But now let’s consider the second phenomenon, the absence of a <strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong>the comb<strong>in</strong>ation of present tense and aoristic aspect. This phenomenon canonly be expla<strong>in</strong>ed on the third tense option. To see this, let’s start with thesecond option, s<strong>in</strong>ce it is immediately clear that this option doesn’t work. Iftense would locate the moment donné with respect to the moment of utterpresenttense and imperfective aspect. However, the comb<strong>in</strong>ation of these two contributionsdoes not result <strong>in</strong> the moment donné be<strong>in</strong>g the moment of utterance, as I will expla<strong>in</strong>. Onthe first option, the present tense <strong>in</strong>dicates that the time of the eventuality overlaps withthe moment of utterance. (Note that on the first option, it is impossible to say that withthe present tense the time of the eventuality is (rather than <strong>in</strong>cludes or overlaps with) themoment of utterance, s<strong>in</strong>ce then we could only describe very short eventualities with thepresent tense, which is not the case.) The comb<strong>in</strong>ation of the two contributions allows theconstellation that both the moment of utterance and the moment donné are <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> thetime of the eventuality, without the moment of utterance be<strong>in</strong>g equal to or overlapp<strong>in</strong>g withthe moment donné. Hence, we cannot save a uni<strong>for</strong>m account <strong>in</strong> this way.4 Stated this way it is not so much of an explanation of course, s<strong>in</strong>ce why can’t the momentdonné be the utterance time <strong>for</strong> the past-imperfective? One could try to turn it <strong>in</strong>to anexplanation <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g way: if the utterance time functions as the moment donné andimperfective aspect <strong>in</strong>dicates that the eventuality time <strong>in</strong>cludes the moment donné, then theeventuality time overlaps with the utterance time, and hence we expect the present tense.For aoristic aspect, on the other hand, s<strong>in</strong>ce the eventuality time precedes the momentdonné, the eventuality precedes the utterance time, and hence we expect past tense.

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