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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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2 Chapter 1. Introductiongroundbreak<strong>in</strong>g work of Frege (1879, 1892, 1918-1919) and Montague (1970,1973) is to derive the mean<strong>in</strong>g of a compound expression <strong>in</strong> a systematic wayfrom the mean<strong>in</strong>gs of its components. Over the last decades, due <strong>in</strong> particularto the work of Kamp (1981, 1993), the attention shifted to the analysis of largerstretches of discourse. My aim <strong>in</strong> this thesis is to add to this enterprise byexplor<strong>in</strong>g the semantic contribution of aspect to the mean<strong>in</strong>g of sentences as awhole and and its function<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> larger discourses. To achieve this, I approachthe subject from the perspective of <strong>for</strong>mal semantics. In this branch of semantics,mean<strong>in</strong>g is captured <strong>in</strong> terms of truth conditions, follow<strong>in</strong>g the adageknow<strong>in</strong>g the mean<strong>in</strong>g of a sentence is know<strong>in</strong>g when it is true. These truthconditions are represented <strong>in</strong> a <strong>for</strong>mal language which has an exact modeltheoretictruth def<strong>in</strong>ition. This is to ensure that the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of onenatural language sentence is not expla<strong>in</strong>ed by means of another, which <strong>in</strong> turnneeds to be expla<strong>in</strong>ed, thus lead<strong>in</strong>g to an <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ite regression. For example, todescribe the difference <strong>in</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g between (1a) and (1b), which is a difference<strong>in</strong> tense, I used quite a number of present tense verb <strong>for</strong>ms (states, is, locates).The def<strong>in</strong>iendum occurs a number of times <strong>in</strong> the def<strong>in</strong>iens! Formal-semanticapproaches steer clear of this problem by a translation <strong>in</strong>to a <strong>for</strong>mal languagewith an exact model-theoretic <strong>in</strong>terpretation. Examples of such <strong>for</strong>mal systemsare first-order predicate logic, typed lambda calculus, and Discourse RepresentationTheory (DRT). Follow<strong>in</strong>g Russell, these <strong>for</strong>mal representations of truthconditions are called logical <strong>for</strong>ms. In the last few decades the methods of<strong>for</strong>mal semantics have been applied to a wide range of phenomena <strong>in</strong> naturallanguage semantics. This has resulted <strong>in</strong> highly sophisticated treatments ofvarious topics, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g tense and aspect.Traditionally, research <strong>in</strong> <strong>for</strong>mal semantics has concentrated on English.However, it isn’t the mean<strong>in</strong>g of aspect <strong>in</strong> English that is central to this thesis,but that <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong>. <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> is well known <strong>for</strong> its literaryheritage, but more importantly <strong>for</strong> our purposes, it presents us a very richaspect system. Follow<strong>in</strong>g Comrie’s def<strong>in</strong>ition, the language possesses threetenses: a present, a past, and a future tense. In addition to these tenses, ithas three grammatical aspects: aoristic, imperfective, and perfect aspect. Inthis respect, it resembles the French system <strong>in</strong> size. However, <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong>goes further than French, by extend<strong>in</strong>g its aspectual oppositions beyond the<strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>for</strong>ms. We f<strong>in</strong>d specialised aspectual <strong>for</strong>ms not only <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>dicative,but also <strong>in</strong> the subjunctive, optative, and imperative modes, as well as<strong>in</strong> the non-f<strong>in</strong>ite <strong>for</strong>ms (<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive and participle). Apart from its distribution,the <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> system is transparant as it shows a systematic cod<strong>in</strong>g oftense and aspect through the employment of separate morphemes. This meansthat tense and aspect are well dist<strong>in</strong>guished morphologically. The morphemesact as a permanent rem<strong>in</strong>der that the two categories should also be clearlydist<strong>in</strong>guished <strong>in</strong> the semantic analysis. In sum, given its analytic morphol-

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