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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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4.7 Imperfective and coercion: the habitual <strong>in</strong>terpretation 103In (127) the topic time is the time that Leon and Hegesicles were k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong>Sparta. The imperfective states that the time of an eventuality that satisfiesthe predicate <strong>in</strong>cludes the topic time, but the time of suffer<strong>in</strong>g a defeat (orliterally, bump<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to someone) is typically shorter than the rule of k<strong>in</strong>gs.This mismatch is solved by the habitual coercion operator, s<strong>in</strong>ce the timeassociated with the habit of suffer<strong>in</strong>g defeats can <strong>in</strong>clude the rule of k<strong>in</strong>gs.An advantage of this account over that of de Swart (1998) <strong>in</strong> which ahabitual re<strong>in</strong>terpretation was triggered by a mismatch <strong>in</strong> aspectual class (seesection 3.2.3), is that it predicts correctly that the habitual <strong>in</strong>terpretation ofthe imperfective occurs with bounded as well as unbounded predicates. In(129) (=(82)), we even have an example with a stative predicate:(129) ν δεξιen dexiaiδde<strong>in</strong> right.dat andππέωνhippeōnhorsemen.genκαkai<strong>in</strong>νenleft.datπελταστα̋peltastaistargeteers.datριστερaristeraihim.genχώραchōraplace.nomατοautouprtτε καte kaiandτνtōnthe.gen νēn.be.pst.IPFV.3sg“To the right and left of him (= Cyrus) and the cavalry was the(usual) place <strong>for</strong> the targeteers.” X. Cyr. 8.5.10In (129) the topic time is the time dur<strong>in</strong>g which Cyrus waged wars, whichis <strong>in</strong> the order of years, and hence longer than the time of targeteers be<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong> a specific position. With the habitual operator an impend<strong>in</strong>g violationof the Duration Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple can be avoided, because this operator considerablylengthens the typical duration of the predicate.The same explanation is available <strong>for</strong> the French sentence <strong>in</strong> (130) (=(78)):(130) QuandWhenj’Iétais petit, je ne d o r m a i s pasbe.pst.ipfv.1sg young I not sleep.pst.IPFV.1sg notbien.well“When I was young I didn’t sleep well.”The duration of sleep<strong>in</strong>g uneasily is shorter than the duration of adolescence,but the duration of the habit of sleep<strong>in</strong>g uneasily need not be. In both (129)and (130) the predicate is unbounded, so the habitual <strong>in</strong>terpretation cannotbe attributed to coercion triggered by a selectional restriction of imperfectiveaspect <strong>for</strong> unbounded predicates. It can, however, be attributed to coerciontriggered by the Duration Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple.Especially tell<strong>in</strong>g is (131), where it is clear that the habitual <strong>in</strong>terpretationreally emerges from a mismatch <strong>in</strong> duration.

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