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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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4.9 The conative and likelihood <strong>in</strong>terpretations 115to avoid the paradox. Why is it that I prefer my account over theirs?First, it is not clear <strong>in</strong> Gerö and von Stechow’s account why imperfectiveaspect would be restricted to unbounded predicates, a problem already mentioned<strong>in</strong> section 3.2.4. They state that this restriction follows from the factthat with imperfective aspect the topic time is <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the eventuality time,but this is not true. It is clear that the restriction to unbounded predicatesis useful <strong>for</strong> avoid<strong>in</strong>g the imperfective paradox, but without an <strong>in</strong>dependentmotivation this restriction is quite ad hoc.Second, <strong>in</strong> my account the difference between bounded and unboundedpredicates with respect to the imperfective paradox follows from the semanticsof the imperfective itself. The imperfective operator IMP ′ suffices on itsown to account <strong>for</strong> the fact that (133a) entails (133b), while (134a) does notentail (134b). Gerö and von Stechow’s account, on the other hand, impliesthat someth<strong>in</strong>g different is go<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>in</strong> (133a) than <strong>in</strong> (134a), as a coercionoperator is <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> the latter but not the <strong>for</strong>mer. Note that apart fromthe imperfective paradox there is no motivation <strong>for</strong> assum<strong>in</strong>g this coercion operator.We end up with two temporal relations that both <strong>in</strong>tend to capturethe same idea, viz. that an eventuality of the type described by the predicateis go<strong>in</strong>g on, whereas IMP ′ shows that we can do with one. 20 We could try to<strong>for</strong>mulate a progressive operator that does not <strong>in</strong>troduce temporal relations ofits own, but it is not clear to me what this operator should look like.20 Although this stack<strong>in</strong>g of imperfectivity and progressitivity is found most explicitly <strong>in</strong>Gerö and von Stechow (2003), we f<strong>in</strong>d a similar idea <strong>in</strong> Kamp and Reyle (1993), de Swart(1998), and Kamp, van Genabith, and Reyle (2005). Let me illustrate it with the lastaccount. The logical <strong>for</strong>m they assign to (i) is roughly (ii) (Kamp et al. 2005:78):(i)(ii)A man was pull<strong>in</strong>g his gun.n s t 1 t 2PROG(λe m pull(e))(s)τ(s) = t 1t 1 ⊇ t 2t 2 ≺ nThey don’t specify what this PROG is, aware of the problem of the imperfective paradox, butit probably conta<strong>in</strong>s some temporal relation. (ii) specifies that the runtime of progressivestate t 1 <strong>in</strong>cludes the location time (≈ topic time) t 2 . But what reasons do we have to th<strong>in</strong>kthat this is the correct temporal relation? The natural language sentence (i) seems to giveus only the <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation that the complete pull<strong>in</strong>g event, rather than the progressive state,<strong>in</strong>cludes this time. It gives no <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation about the relation between the progressive stateand the location time. S<strong>in</strong>ce we already have a progressive operator, the <strong>in</strong>clusion relationbetween eventuality time and location time is superfluous. The source of the problem isthe same as <strong>in</strong> Gerö and von Stechow (2003): both accounts want to stick to the idea thataspect has to do with the temporal relation between eventuality time and topic time (eitherdirect, as <strong>in</strong> von Stechow et al., or <strong>in</strong>direct via aspectual classes, as <strong>in</strong> Kamp et al.), butwant to avoid the imperfective paradox.

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