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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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26 Chapter 3. <strong>Aspect</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>for</strong>mal semanticsthe name John and y <strong>in</strong>troduced by the <strong>in</strong>def<strong>in</strong>ite NP a dog. 3 These discoursemarkers will figure as the referents <strong>for</strong> these expressions <strong>for</strong> the rema<strong>in</strong>der ofthe discourse. The idea is that <strong>in</strong>def<strong>in</strong>ite expressions like a dog <strong>in</strong>troduce discoursereferents <strong>in</strong> the discourse. Def<strong>in</strong>ite expressions like it or the dog, on theother hand, pick up previously <strong>in</strong>troduced referents, as we will see when wediscuss the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the second sentence of (25). The descriptive <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mationis encoded <strong>in</strong> the conditions john(x), dog(y), and own(e,x,y). Thesemantics of DRT specifies that (27) is true <strong>in</strong> a model M iff there is a functionf that maps the discourse markers e, x, and y onto entities <strong>in</strong> the doma<strong>in</strong> ofM <strong>in</strong> such a way that f(x) has the property of hav<strong>in</strong>g the name John and ofown<strong>in</strong>g f(y), f(y) has the property of be<strong>in</strong>g a dog and of be<strong>in</strong>g owned by f(x),and f(e) is an eventuality of own<strong>in</strong>g between the two <strong>in</strong>dividuals.Note that we don’t need a conjunction <strong>in</strong> DRT, s<strong>in</strong>ce it’s already specified<strong>in</strong> the truth def<strong>in</strong>ition that a sequence of conditions gets the mean<strong>in</strong>g thatpredicate logic would express by means of a conjunction. The same holds <strong>for</strong>existential quantification: the discourse markers <strong>in</strong> (27) get their existentialimport <strong>in</strong>directly from the truth def<strong>in</strong>ition, which requires that there be afunction that verifies the DRS <strong>in</strong> the model.Let’s now move on to the second sentence. It is <strong>in</strong>terpreted <strong>in</strong> the contextof the first sentence. 4 Follow<strong>in</strong>g the two-stage presuppositionasanaphora versionof DRT (van der Sandt 1992) (which is standard nowadays and which isadopted <strong>in</strong> this work), we first construct the prelim<strong>in</strong>ary representation of thesecond sentence:(28)e ′like(e ′ ,z,u)zmale(z)unon-human(u)This prelim<strong>in</strong>ary DRS conta<strong>in</strong>s three conditions. Apart from the simple conditionlike(e ′ ,z,u), we f<strong>in</strong>d two complex conditions, the dashed boxes, correspond<strong>in</strong>gto the anaphoric expressions he and it. These anaphoric expressionscome, <strong>in</strong> contrast to <strong>in</strong>def<strong>in</strong>ites like a dog, with a special <strong>in</strong>struction: theyshould l<strong>in</strong>k up to a previously established discourse referent. This is <strong>in</strong>dicatedby encod<strong>in</strong>g them as a special type of condition which is itself constructed out3 I have chosen the traditional way of do<strong>in</strong>g th<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> DRT by represent<strong>in</strong>g the propername as a variable whose reference is restricted by a predicate rather than as a constant.4 This is a simplification. The real context <strong>for</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the second sentencedoes not only conta<strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation provided by the first sentence, but all backgroundknowledge, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>for</strong> example, world knowledge.

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