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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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7.2 Ruijgh’s moment donné 159Let’s illustrate Ruijgh’s account by means of his own (constructed) examples(Ruijgh 1991:200):(194) πίνωνp<strong>in</strong>ōn(195) πινpiōnνέστηanestēstand.up.pst.aor.3sgdr<strong>in</strong>k.IPFV.ptcp.nom“While he was dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g, he got up.”dr<strong>in</strong>k.AOR.ptcp.nom“After he had drunk, he got up.”νέστηanestēstand.up.pst.aor.3sgOn my account the preced<strong>in</strong>g participial clause provides the topic time <strong>for</strong> thema<strong>in</strong> clause. On Ruijgh’s account, on the other hand, the ma<strong>in</strong> clause providesthe moment donné <strong>for</strong> the participial clause. He expla<strong>in</strong>s the <strong>in</strong>terpretions ofthe different temporal relations <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g way: With the imperfectiveparticiple, the dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g eventuality <strong>in</strong>cludes the moment donné, that is the(beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of the) gett<strong>in</strong>g up. With the aorist participle, on the other hand,the dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g eventuality is f<strong>in</strong>ished be<strong>for</strong>e this moment donné.In contrast to my account, Ruijgh’s ma<strong>in</strong> aim is to capture the basic oppositionbetween imperfective and aoristic aspect <strong>in</strong> terms of completion and doesnot try to derive the various <strong>in</strong>terpretations of the two aspects from a uni<strong>for</strong>msemantics. For example, he doesn’t assign a role to the length of the referencetime <strong>in</strong> the com<strong>in</strong>g about of the habitual and <strong>in</strong>gressive <strong>in</strong>terpretations, whichis crucial to the analysis I have proposed.Apart from the difference with respect to special <strong>in</strong>terpretations, there is asecond, more important reason why my account is preferable over Ruijgh’s. AsI will show <strong>in</strong> the rema<strong>in</strong>der of this section, Ruijgh’s semantics of the aorist isuntenable <strong>in</strong> the light of the <strong>in</strong>teraction between grammatical aspect and tense.In short, the problem is that it is impossible to comb<strong>in</strong>e Ruijgh’s account ofaspect with a uni<strong>for</strong>m account of tense.Un<strong>for</strong>tunately, Ruijgh doesn’t discuss the semantics of tense explicitly. Inorder to understand the problem, let’s see what options are open to him:1. Tense locates the time of the eventuality with respect to the moment ofutterance.2. Tense locates the moment donné with respect to the moment of utterance.3. Tense locates both the time of the eventuality and the moment donnéwith respect to the moment of utterance.

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