Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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3.2 The perfective-imperfective dist<strong>in</strong>ction 55the <strong>in</strong>dicative, there are special <strong>for</strong>ms <strong>for</strong> aoristic and imperfective aspect <strong>in</strong>every mood (optative, subjunctive, imperative) as well as <strong>for</strong> participles and<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives (cf. Table 1.1 <strong>in</strong> section 1.1). What is more, <strong>in</strong> contrast to French,<strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> has clearly dist<strong>in</strong>ct morphemes <strong>for</strong> tense and aspect. The morpheme<strong>for</strong> past tense is the augment - e- prefixed to the verb stem. Thismorpheme is obligatory <strong>in</strong> all and only past tenses. It occurs <strong>in</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ationwith all grammatical aspects: with the past tense of the imperfective, withthe past tense of the aoristic, and with the past tense of the perfect. It isabsent <strong>in</strong> the non-past tenses of the <strong>in</strong>dicative, <strong>in</strong> the non-<strong>in</strong>dicative f<strong>in</strong>ite<strong>for</strong>ms and <strong>in</strong> the non-f<strong>in</strong>ite <strong>for</strong>ms. As <strong>for</strong> aspect, different verbs realise theimperfective-aoristic opposition morphologically <strong>in</strong> different ways (first (sigmatic)aorist versus second aorist), but whatever way it is realised, it is doneuni<strong>for</strong>mly throughout a verb’s paradigm.The fact that the imperfective-aoristic dist<strong>in</strong>ction <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> ispresent throughout the verb paradigm makes it impossible to analyse aoristand imperfective as aspectually sensitive past tense operators. Such an analysiscould only work <strong>for</strong> the past tense of the <strong>in</strong>dicative, as <strong>in</strong> non-<strong>in</strong>dicative<strong>for</strong>ms no temporal contribution is made, while we do f<strong>in</strong>d dist<strong>in</strong>ct aoristic andimperfective <strong>for</strong>ms. In other words, aorist and imperfective cannot be analysedas past tense operators, or, <strong>for</strong> that matter, any k<strong>in</strong>d of tense operators.So, the temporal part of de Swart’s account, (iii), is problematic <strong>for</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong><strong>Greek</strong>. What if we leave out this part but hold on to the other <strong>in</strong>gredients ofde Swart’s account: the various <strong>in</strong>terpretations come about through a coercionprocess that solves a mismatch <strong>in</strong> aspectual class (i+ii), and imperfective andaorist are sensitive to the homogeneous-quantised dist<strong>in</strong>ction (iv).This immediately gives rise to the question: what operator, if not tense,triggers the coercion that results <strong>in</strong> the various <strong>in</strong>terpretations of the aorist andimperfective? Given that the aspectual opposition is present throughout theparadigm, it must be someth<strong>in</strong>g that all verb <strong>for</strong>ms have <strong>in</strong> common. Thereis, however, no such candidate. We would arrive at a variant of de Swart’sproposal <strong>in</strong> which all verb <strong>for</strong>ms have their own aspectually sensitive operators.For example, the subjunctive of the aorist would be analysed as an aspectuallysensitive modal operator rather than as a comb<strong>in</strong>ation of an aspectual and amodal operator. And likewise, the optative of the aorist would be analysed as adifferent modal operator with the same aspectual sensitivity rather than as thecomb<strong>in</strong>ation of the same aspectual operator with a different modal operator.Such a move would obscure the contribution of aspect.An alternative would be to <strong>in</strong>troduce aspectually sensitive vacuous operators,operators that make no contribution apart from impos<strong>in</strong>g restrictionson the aspectual class of the <strong>in</strong>put. It is clear that this wouldn’t be a seriousoption <strong>for</strong> de Swart, as her objection to operators that are sometimes vacuousfuture tense.