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Aspect in Ancient Greek - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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3.2 The perfective-imperfective dist<strong>in</strong>ction 49The sentence <strong>in</strong> (69a) describes a process. Remember that the expression Johnsmile <strong>in</strong> (69b ′ ) is meant to <strong>in</strong>dicate the verb with its arguments, without tenseand grammatical aspect. This expression refers to a set of processes, <strong>in</strong>dicatedby the subscript p. The progressive operator maps this set onto a set of states,as shown by the subscript s. Tense does not change the aspectual class, hencethe subscript s aga<strong>in</strong>.Not only do aspectual operators deliver outputs of a certa<strong>in</strong> k<strong>in</strong>d, they mayalso impose restrictions on the k<strong>in</strong>d of sets of eventualities they take as their<strong>in</strong>put. (70) serves to illustrate this:(70) *John is be<strong>in</strong>g tall.As has often been observed, the progressive normally does not comb<strong>in</strong>e withstative predicates. Most analyses (e.g. Dowty 1979, Moens 1987) reflect this bytreat<strong>in</strong>g the progressive as an operator that requires a non-stative expressionas its <strong>in</strong>put. Thus, the semantics of the progressive maps sets of non-stativeeventualities onto sets of stative eventualities. Given that John be tall is astative expression, the ungrammaticality of (70) (<strong>in</strong>dicated by the asterisk) isexpla<strong>in</strong>ed.However, there seem to exist exceptions to this <strong>in</strong>put requirement of theprogressive. In (71a) we f<strong>in</strong>d such an apparent exception:(71) a. #John is be<strong>in</strong>g funny.a ′ . [ s PRES [ s PROG [ ns C s→ns [ s John be funny]]]]In contrast to (70), (71a) is grammatical, <strong>in</strong> spite of the stative nature of Johnbe funny. Its grammaticality is commonly expla<strong>in</strong>ed through reference to thenotion of coercion, which also occupies a central place <strong>in</strong> de Swart’s analysisof the passé simple and imparfait. Coercion refers to the phenomenon that ifthere is a mismatch between the <strong>in</strong>put requirements of an operator and theproperties of its argument, the argument is re<strong>in</strong>terpreted <strong>in</strong> such a way thatit satisfies the requirements (see section 3.3 <strong>for</strong> an <strong>in</strong>depth discussion). Thisre<strong>in</strong>terpretation allows the two to comb<strong>in</strong>e. This process is illustrated <strong>in</strong> Figure3.5. In this figure, correspond<strong>in</strong>g to the two vertical arrows, there are two ways<strong>in</strong> which the mismatch can be resolved.Let’s apply this to (71). The mismatch between the requirements of theprogressive operator and the (stative) predicate John be funny is resolved byre<strong>in</strong>terpretation of the stative expression as a non-stative expression, correspond<strong>in</strong>g,<strong>for</strong> example, to John act funny (see e.g. Moens 1987). That is, theclass of the argument is coerced by the progressive operator <strong>in</strong>to the requiredclass. In (71a ′ ), C s→ns <strong>in</strong>dicates this coercion operator from a set of stativeto a set of non-stative eventualities (with the subscript ns <strong>for</strong> non-stative).After this re<strong>in</strong>terpretation, the progressive operator can apply. The stativeexpression John be tall, on the other hand, cannot be re<strong>in</strong>terpreted as a non-

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