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Jews. “Today, all <strong>the</strong>se immigrants’ descendants are running as hard as <strong>the</strong>y<br />
can to escape <strong>the</strong> descendants <strong>of</strong> Negroes who helped to unload <strong>the</strong><br />
immigrant ships.” 34 Malcolm continued, “I was staggered when old-timer<br />
Harlemites told me that while this immigrant musical chairs game had been<br />
going on, Negroes had been in New York City since 1683, before any <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m came.” 35<br />
In Malcolm’s framing, <strong>the</strong>se European immigrants came to <strong>the</strong> US,<br />
importantly, as settlers who displaced Black Americans who, in his<br />
estimation, have a more legitimate, even indigenous connection to New<br />
York. By mentioning that Black folks were <strong>the</strong>re first, he was, in essence,<br />
asserting Black claims to New York’s origins. This historical rendition tells<br />
us about Black relationship to land, but it also suggests a form <strong>of</strong><br />
ownership, or that Black people were <strong>the</strong> original people. Malcolm said<br />
nothing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Indigenous</strong> inhabitants, who would have been <strong>the</strong> Munsee<br />
Delaware. “Manhattan” is an <strong>Indigenous</strong> word that means, “<strong>the</strong> place where<br />
timber is procured for bows and arrows.” It is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> few names found<br />
on early colonial maps in New York that has never been removed.<br />
Malcolm used a variety <strong>of</strong> discourses concerning Black peoples’<br />
relationship to <strong>the</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>States</strong>, which seemed revolutionary and<br />
contradictory. At times, <strong>the</strong>y centered on Black peoples’ relationship to<br />
place. At o<strong>the</strong>r times, he connected to <strong>the</strong> diaspora. <strong>An</strong>d <strong>the</strong>n at o<strong>the</strong>rs, he<br />
<strong>of</strong>fered direct critiques <strong>of</strong> US colonization and empire. Ultimately, he was<br />
concerned with <strong>the</strong> condition <strong>of</strong> blackness and belonging in <strong>the</strong> US.<br />
Malcolm’s idea <strong>of</strong> liberation was based upon control and domination <strong>of</strong><br />
land, and though he articulated a vision going forward, it was based upon<br />
white masculine logics <strong>of</strong> land ownership. Malcolm’s conception <strong>of</strong> land is<br />
diametrically opposed to <strong>Indigenous</strong> people’s conception <strong>of</strong> land. <strong>An</strong>d<br />
<strong>Indigenous</strong> feminists’ conceptions <strong>of</strong> land provides important analytical<br />
tools in <strong>of</strong>fering alternative visions <strong>of</strong> human and non-human relationships<br />
to land. For example, <strong>the</strong> artist and activist Michi Saagiig <strong>An</strong>ishinaabe and<br />
<strong>the</strong> public intellectual Leanne Betasamosake Simpson argue that our<br />
conception <strong>of</strong> land should be based upon consent, and include a deeper<br />
meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> word “place,” which should be a “part <strong>of</strong> us and our<br />
sovereignty ra<strong>the</strong>r than an abstract natural resource for unlimited use.” 36<br />
For Native people, land is more than a physical space. It is where <strong>the</strong>y<br />
construct ideas about <strong>the</strong>mselves. In many <strong>Indigenous</strong> languages, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
tribal identities and stories are rooted in specific places. How <strong>the</strong>y