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Native people’s use <strong>of</strong> tropes, slogans, and sayings taken from Black<br />
protest language is not new. For instance, we didn’t see <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong><br />
“Red Power” until after Stokely Carmichael proclaimed “Black Power.” We<br />
saw Native men and women use <strong>the</strong> Black Power fist as a signal <strong>of</strong><br />
solidarity, and that <strong>the</strong>y had power. To be clear, <strong>the</strong>re was nothing wrong<br />
with adopting slogans and modes <strong>of</strong> protest. Many young Native people felt<br />
empowered by <strong>the</strong> more radical elements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Freedom Movement.<br />
As I demonstrated in <strong>the</strong> previous chapters, <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>ten worked toge<strong>the</strong>r. The<br />
American Indian Movement was founded in Minneapolis, Minnesota, in<br />
order to stop police violence. The Red Power movement has its ideological<br />
roots in Black Power and fur<strong>the</strong>r developed with <strong>the</strong> Native people’s<br />
protest, for <strong>the</strong> purposes <strong>of</strong> asserting <strong>the</strong>ir sovereignty. In fact, <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong><br />
Red Power in this context is not at all radical—and that includes <strong>the</strong> call for<br />
<strong>the</strong> US government to honor <strong>the</strong> treaties. Native people wanted <strong>the</strong> US to<br />
simply do what it said it was going to do.<br />
Native Lives Matter is rooted in <strong>the</strong> ideological genealogy <strong>of</strong> Black<br />
Power language, Red Power protest, and an assertion <strong>of</strong> Native sovereignty.<br />
I would fur<strong>the</strong>r define it as an attempt to sociolinguistically construct an<br />
<strong>Indigenous</strong> reality that highlights <strong>the</strong> fact that Native people, too, suffer<br />
from police violence, even disproportionately, and <strong>the</strong>ir voices should be<br />
heard. Some Black folks might see Native people using “Lives Matter” as a<br />
form <strong>of</strong> cooptation that decenters <strong>the</strong> unique issues facing Black people,<br />
and, depending on whe<strong>the</strong>r those <strong>Indigenous</strong> people respect Black struggle,<br />
that might be correct. Black folks can’t continue to erase Native people on<br />
whose land <strong>the</strong>y now exist. Even using <strong>the</strong> chant “Whose streets? Our<br />
streets!” and not thinking about how that might contribute to <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />
erasure is a problem. Black folks shouldn’t uncritically except <strong>the</strong> narrative<br />
that <strong>the</strong> US can be reformed, that we can effect change by simply holding<br />
our leaders’ feet to <strong>the</strong> fire. Where do Native people fit into this discussion?<br />
We need to foster forms <strong>of</strong> connection and move beyond <strong>the</strong> narrowness <strong>of</strong><br />
“focusing on ourselves” first. As Black feminist prison abolitionist <strong>An</strong>gela<br />
Davis notes,<br />
I think we need to be more reflective, more critical and more explicit<br />
about our concepts <strong>of</strong> community. There is <strong>of</strong>ten as much<br />
heterogeneity within a black community, or more heterogeneity, than<br />
in cross-racial communities. . . . What is problematic is <strong>the</strong> degree to