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An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

by Kyle T. Mays

by Kyle T. Mays

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political philosophy. The UNIA, understanding that Africa’s wealth could<br />

lead to a future for Black folks, attempted in its declaration to make sure<br />

that Africans could hold fast to a tangible idea <strong>of</strong> making place. Finally, in a<br />

demonstration <strong>of</strong> solidarity with o<strong>the</strong>r oppressed groups, number twentyseven<br />

declared, “We believe in <strong>the</strong> self-determination <strong>of</strong> all peoples.” 26<br />

In an article written by Garvey in 1923, titled “<strong>An</strong> Appeal to <strong>the</strong> Soul <strong>of</strong><br />

White America,” whose wording is close to <strong>the</strong> title <strong>of</strong> Du Bois’s essay<br />

“The Souls <strong>of</strong> White Folk,” Garvey makes his case for <strong>the</strong> necessity <strong>of</strong><br />

Black people to avoid integrating with whites. His audience in this case,<br />

though, is white people, especially white liberals, who he believed had a<br />

part in trying to control Black people from realizing <strong>the</strong> necessity <strong>of</strong> leaving<br />

<strong>the</strong> US.<br />

Garvey begins <strong>the</strong> appeal, writing, “Surely, <strong>the</strong> soul <strong>of</strong> liberal,<br />

philanthropic, liberty-loving, white America is not dead.” 27 He continues,<br />

“There is no real white man in America, who does not desire a solution <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> Negro problem.” After laying out <strong>the</strong> brutality that Black people had<br />

faced in <strong>the</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>States</strong>, <strong>the</strong> problems with miscegenation, he encourages<br />

“foolish Negro agitators” and “so-called reformers” to “stop preaching and<br />

advocating <strong>the</strong> doctrine <strong>of</strong> ‘social equality,’ meaning <strong>the</strong>reby <strong>the</strong> social<br />

intermingling <strong>of</strong> both races, intermarriages, and general social corelationship.”<br />

He concludes <strong>the</strong> essay by reminding white Americans not to<br />

cater to Black folks and suggest that <strong>the</strong>y could become equals: “Let <strong>the</strong><br />

Negroes have a government <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own. Don’t encourage <strong>the</strong>m to believe<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y will become social equals and leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whites in America,<br />

without first on <strong>the</strong>ir own account proving to <strong>the</strong> world that <strong>the</strong>y are capable<br />

<strong>of</strong> evolving a civilization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own.” 28 Garvey did not believe in <strong>the</strong><br />

mixing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> races, but he perhaps had a point in raising a key question<br />

about white liberals and liberal Blacks at <strong>the</strong> time: Would Black folks ever<br />

belong in <strong>the</strong> US, and could <strong>the</strong>y ever have a home elsewhere? Could<br />

Africa be <strong>the</strong>ir home? Garvey thought so, even though his idea was<br />

basically an extension <strong>of</strong> settler-colonial discourse and Christian<br />

chauvinism. During his life, Garvey was not without critics. Several Black<br />

radicals believed that Garvey was an imperialist trying to conquer Africa. 29<br />

Still, <strong>the</strong> goals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UNIA and <strong>the</strong> SAI—<strong>the</strong> former seeking freedom and<br />

<strong>the</strong> latter seeking sovereignty—bound <strong>the</strong>m toge<strong>the</strong>r. They had different<br />

priorities, but each pursued a basic vision for how Black people and<br />

<strong>Indigenous</strong> people could live.

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