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An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

by Kyle T. Mays

by Kyle T. Mays

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lasting in its impact than that with Thomas Jefferson.” 20 However, people<br />

like <strong>the</strong> Black nationalist David Walker, author <strong>of</strong> David Walker’s Appeal<br />

(1829), called out Jefferson’s Notes for <strong>the</strong> racist beliefs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author.<br />

Walker wrote, “Mr. Jefferson, a much greater philosopher <strong>the</strong> world never<br />

afforded, has in truth injured us more, and has been as great a barrier to our<br />

emancipation as any thing that has ever been advanced against us.” Walker<br />

followed up, writing, “I hope you will not let it pass unnoticed.” 21<br />

TOCQUEVILLE: ETHNOGRAPHER OF WHITE SUPREMACY?<br />

Tocqueville was an astute ethnographer <strong>of</strong> US democracy. Political <strong>the</strong>orists<br />

and historians typically discuss his conception <strong>of</strong> democracy and its<br />

relationship to <strong>the</strong> political and cultural politics <strong>of</strong> a developing nation.<br />

However, Tocqueville wrote at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> chapter 18, “The absolute<br />

supremacy <strong>of</strong> democracy is not all that we meet with in America; <strong>the</strong><br />

inhabitants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New World may be considered from more than one point<br />

<strong>of</strong> view.” He was also concerned with <strong>the</strong> Black and <strong>Indigenous</strong> experience.<br />

However, he wrote that “he had never been able to stop in order to show<br />

what place <strong>the</strong>se two races occupy in <strong>the</strong> midst <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> democratic people<br />

whom I was engaged in describing.” Tocqueville was very much concerned<br />

with <strong>the</strong> relationship between whiteness and US democracy—something<br />

that critical race <strong>the</strong>orists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century were also concerned<br />

about. 22<br />

Tocqueville placed <strong>the</strong> histories and current realities <strong>of</strong> African and<br />

<strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples toge<strong>the</strong>r within <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> US democratic<br />

institutions. “These two unhappy races have nothing in common; nei<strong>the</strong>r<br />

birth, nor features, nor language, nor habits,” he wrote. 23 However, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

relationship was fortified “in <strong>the</strong>ir misfortunes.” Three core misfortunes<br />

touch both peoples. They both “occupy an inferior rank in <strong>the</strong> country <strong>the</strong>y<br />

inhabit; both suffer from tyranny; and if <strong>the</strong>ir wrongs are not <strong>the</strong> same, <strong>the</strong>y<br />

originate, at any rate, with <strong>the</strong> same authors.” The authors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir peculiar<br />

predicaments were wealthy white men. Tocqueville’s ethnographic reading<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US revealed <strong>the</strong> deep impact <strong>of</strong> white supremacy on Black and<br />

<strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples. He articulated <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> enslavement and<br />

colonialism: to exploit and destroy. Tocqueville, perhaps a nineteenthcentury<br />

prophet <strong>of</strong> American democracy (rooted in dispossession and

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