An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

26. For histories on this termination and relocation, see Donald Fixico, Termination and
Relocation: Federal Indian Policy, 1945–1960 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1986); James B. LaGrand, Indian Metropolis: Native Americans in Chicago, 1945–1975 (Chicago:
University of Illinois Press, 2002).
27. Henry, “An Independent Black Republic,” 33.
28. Henry, “An Independent Black Republic,” 36–37.
29. Hoxie, This Indian Country.
30. Henry, “An Independent Black Republic,” 39.
31. Henry, “An Independent Black Republic,” 36.
32. “Dr. King Says He Is Confident of Support on His Drive for Poor,” New York Times, March 15,
1968.
33. Gordon K. Mantler, Power to the Poor: Black-Brown Coalition and the Fight for Economic
Justice, 1960–1974 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013), 108–10.
34. For a queer analysis of the Poor People’s Campaign, see Christina Juhász-Wood, “Assembling
the Poor People’s Campaign (1968): Queer Activism and Economic Justice,” master’s thesis,
University of New Mexico, 2011.
35. Daniel Cobb, Native Activism in Cold War America: The Struggle for Sovereignty (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 2. See also Paul McKenzie-Jones, Clyde Warrior: Tradition,
Community, and Red Power (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015).
36. Cobb, Native Activism in Cold War America, 4.
37. Southern Christian Leadership Conference, “State of Demands for Rights of the Poor
Presented to Agencies of the U.S. Government by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and
Its Committee of 100,” April 29–30 and May 1, 1968,
https://www.crmvet.org/docs/6805_ppc_demands.pdf, accessed June 4, 2020.
38. See Glen Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014). As Coulthard argues, “In situations where
colonial rule does not depend solely on the exercise of state violence, its reproduction instead rests on
the ability to entice Indigenous peoples to identify, either implicitly or explicitly, with the more
profoundly asymmetrical and nonreciprocal forms of recognition either imposed on or granted to
them by the settler state and society” (25).
39. Cobb, Native Activism in Cold War America, 183–84. Cobb quotes Vine Deloria Jr., who
asserted that the work of the National Congress of American Indians was essential because it was
forced to work with the US government, and not confront them in the way that young people were
doing at the time: “Anyone can get into the headlines by making wild threats and militant
statements,” remarked Deloria, but “it takes a lot of hard work to raise an entire group to a new
conception of themselves. And that is the difference between the nationalists and the militants” (183).
Cobb also covers Tillie Walker’s challenge of the antiblackness of Native people (169).
40. Ben A. Franklin, “Non-Negro Units Hit March Chiefs; Charge They Are Ignored and ‘Abused’
by Black Militants,” New York Times, May 26, 1968.
41. Gabriel Chrisman, “The Fish-in Protests at Franks Landing,”
https://depts.washington.edu/civilr/fish-ins.htm, accessed March 25, 2021.
42. Poor People’s Campaign, Supreme Court Building Confrontation, American Indians, May 9,
1968, Larry Lichenstein 1083: Southern Christian Leadership Conference Records, Side A, Duration:
33 minutes, 2 seconds.
43. Cobb, Native Activism in Cold War America, 187.
44. “Petition Planned for U.N. Accuses U.S. of Genocide,” New York Times, June 21, 1970.
45. Carol Anderson, Eyes Off the Prize: The United Nations and the African American Struggle for
Human Rights, 1944–1955 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 5.
46. For the history of Native people and the United Nations, see Sheryl Lightfoot, Global
Indigenous Politics: A Subtle Revolution (New York: Routledge, 2016).