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this growing unity is <strong>the</strong> best assurance that a world free <strong>of</strong> racism,<br />
oppression and exploitation—a truly new world—can be born.” 2 It is<br />
interesting that Black radical intellectuals and activists held this belief;<br />
however, <strong>the</strong> settler state has erased our collective memories and our<br />
imagination about what might be possible for our collective freedom.<br />
This chapter seeks to analyze <strong>the</strong> contested relationship between Black<br />
and <strong>Indigenous</strong> intellectuals and activists during <strong>the</strong> freedom struggles <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> 1960s and 1970s. During this era <strong>of</strong> what historian Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar<br />
has called “radical ethnic nationalism,” Black and <strong>Indigenous</strong> activists<br />
sought to radically transform <strong>the</strong>ir predicaments in a white supremacist<br />
settler society. 3 They forged coalitions. They viewed <strong>the</strong>ir movements<br />
separately, but what brought <strong>the</strong>m toge<strong>the</strong>r in protest and ideological<br />
struggle was a complete overturning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capitalist, settler-colonial, and<br />
white supremacist system that had kept <strong>the</strong>m oppressed for centuries.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> Black freedom struggle, which, for analytical purposes, lasted<br />
from <strong>the</strong> late 1950s until <strong>the</strong> late 1970s, <strong>the</strong>re was also a parallel movement<br />
for <strong>Indigenous</strong> treaty rights. Native Americans, just like Black Americans,<br />
struggled for power. They wanted a return <strong>of</strong> land and a restoration <strong>of</strong><br />
sovereignty. Like Black folks, <strong>the</strong>y held sit-ins, <strong>the</strong>y held fish-ins. 4 While<br />
Black folks were creating rebellions in <strong>the</strong> North and South, <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />
peoples were traveling to cities from reservations in great numbers. They<br />
were also fomenting rebellions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own; from taking government<br />
buildings to taking over Alcatraz Island, <strong>Indigenous</strong> people showed that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were alive and well. These groups also overlapped ideologically. As<br />
Robert Warrior and Paul Chaat Smith note in <strong>the</strong>ir book Like a Hurricane<br />
(1995), radical <strong>Indigenous</strong> groups like <strong>the</strong> American Indian Movement, led<br />
by Dennis Banks, Clyde Bellecourt, and, later, Russell Means, “forged key<br />
alliances with progressive lawyers, civil rights activists, and journalists.<br />
They also understood that good news coverage was an involved and twoway<br />
process.” 5 Smith and Warrior also note that AIM members also<br />
“borrowed from <strong>the</strong> Black Pan<strong>the</strong>rs or o<strong>the</strong>r groups when necessary.” 6 Not<br />
only did <strong>Indigenous</strong> activists and intellectuals borrow from Black Power<br />
groups, but <strong>the</strong>y also diligently studied <strong>the</strong>m and worked with <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
DISCOURSES OF BLACK AND RED POWER