An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

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protester and getting hit with them! In this regard, we also have to hold the martial arts community accountable. The martial arts experts who are teaching police forces need to sever their relationships with them and no longer accept training contracts. I’ve been to at least a few gyms in my life and always see someone who has all the signs of a white supremacist. Don’t train them. I understand you have bills to pay and deserve to be paid for your labor, but you are actively teaching people who commit violence against Black and Indigenous people. If you want to help someone, actively recruit and train the people who are suffering from police violence in order that they can defend themselves. BLACK LIVES MATTERS AND NATIVE LIVES MATTER, AND THE PROBLEM OF NAMING I appreciate the many Indigenous voices who have expressed their solidarity for the movement against police brutality, including the Metropolitan Urban Indian Directors, which consists of thirty or so organizations focused on Indigenous issues in the Twin Cities in Minnesota. They condemned the murder of George Floyd. They also highlighted the history of the Minneapolis Police Department’s violent actions, pointing out that the reason the American Indian Movement was founded in 1968 in the first place was because of police brutality. “No more,” they proclaimed. “We demand action and improvement, nothing less.” 8 I appreciate their solidarity and that they underscored the systemic issue of police violence against Indigenous peoples. We should not forget that Indigenous peoples are also targeted by the police, and it’s not just in border towns. Mainstream society ignores the fact that the majority of Native people live in cities. So, being non-white, they of course will suffer from police violence there. However, they often found some solace in asserting that they don’t need to be erased, that Indigenous lives also matter. Black Lives Matter was founded by three Black women organizers, Alicia Garza, Patrisse Khan-Cullors, and Opal Tometi, two of whom identify as queer. It began as a slogan in response to the acquittal of George Zimmerman, the murderer of Trayvon Martin. Popular use of the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag across social media is, in the words of the founders, “an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an
affirmation of Black folks’ humanity, our contributions to this society, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression.” 9 They were also concerned with dealing with the invisible, vulnerable population of Black queer, trans, and non-conforming folks. They wanted to make all Black lives matter. 10 BLM is a decentralized movement that continues to be involved in a variety of tactics and struggles, from Black immigrant rights and prison abolition to strategic forms of getting Black people to vote. They desire to bring light to the invisibility of what Black public intellectual Marc Lamont Hill calls “nobodies.” 11 The phrase “Black Lives Matter” has a clear herstory and ideological foundation. There is a genealogy. Similarly, Native Americans began to use the phrases “Native Lives Matter” to highlight that, they, too, were murdered by the police and continued to suffer all sorts of violence related not just to racism but the ongoing forms of dispossession they experience every day. Indeed, Native Americans have died disproportionately more from police violence than any other group. According to a CNN review of CDC data, between 1999 and 2015, for every 1 million people, an average 2.9 Native people died as a result of a “legal intervention,” and the majority of those deaths were police shootings; Black Americans during that period were killed at a rate of 2.6 people per million, which means the mortality rate was 12 percent higher for Native people than for Black folks. 12 I do not highlight this to create division between Black and Indigenous peoples, and it should be obvious at this point that is not my intention. However, we have to come to terms with the fact that Native Americans cannot be forgotten when it comes to police brutality. Still, it is difficult to trace the genealogy of Native Lives Matter, and it is difficult to distinguish between the ways this sociolinguistic and social media construction is useful and the ways it merely coopts the movement that inspired its name. 13 If Black Lives Matter was created by queer Black women to assert the humanity of Black people in a country where their lives don’t actually matter, is it cool that non-Black people apply it to their own movement? It’s just like the hashtag #SayHerName, created by Black women in response to the murder of Black women, in particular the tragedy of Sandra Bland’s death. 14 Should, for instance, Indigenous or Latinx women use it? I will leave the question there, but if cultural appropriation has taught us anything, it is that as soon as you take something out of its original context, it becomes something different, and might even become a caricature.
Page 4 and 5:
PRAISE FOR AN AFRO-INDIGENOUS HISTO
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REVISIONING HISTORY SERIES A Queer
Page 10 and 11:
To Liseth, El Don, ChiChi
Page 12 and 13:
CHAPTER SEVEN Black and Indigenous
Page 14 and 15:
Indigenous people in our collective
Page 16 and 17:
and places. In fact, the whole book
Page 18 and 19:
INTRODUCTION Thousands of volumes h
Page 20 and 21:
RECONNECTING DISCONNECTED HISTORIES
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solidarity between Black and white
Page 24 and 25:
important to understand how the whi
Page 26 and 27:
Indigenous peoples have sought ways
Page 28 and 29:
need both movements, as both are he
Page 30 and 31:
Some established (mostly white male
Page 32 and 33:
meeting between a variety of Indige
Page 34 and 35:
Atlantic Diaspora Connections (2009
Page 36 and 37:
During every Black History Month in
Page 38 and 39:
consciousness, and to a considerabl
Page 40 and 41:
PAUL CUFFE Perhaps one of the earli
Page 42 and 43:
Afro-Indigenous peoples in the Unit
Page 44 and 45:
antiblackness. Finally, these exper
Page 46 and 47:
America. There was so much we cover
Page 48 and 49:
president-general and another counc
Page 50 and 51:
the dehumanization of Native people
Page 52 and 53:
On March 4, 1801, Jefferson, during
Page 54 and 55:
lasting in its impact than that wit
Page 56 and 57:
The Native person could not truly e
Page 58 and 59:
CHAPTER THREE ENSLAVEMENT, DISPOSSE
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local autonomy—Reconstruction cha
Page 62 and 63:
unpleasant, but we must try and com
Page 64 and 65:
Choctaw owned 14 percent and the Cr
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surpassed those predecessors by per
Page 68 and 69:
eaders to reconsider the role of In
Page 70 and 71:
a time they moved back to Wisconsin
Page 72 and 73:
white people were interested in rem
Page 74 and 75:
of their resistance to white encroa
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liberation and women’s rights. Ty
Page 78 and 79:
covered numerous topics in the spee
Page 80 and 81:
commit the same sin that the nation
Page 82 and 83:
had to change. They could no longer
Page 84 and 85:
Still, Native people continued to s
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government’s boarding schools and
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civilization and its so-called virt
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function of the National Associatio
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treatment with white men, . . . [th
Page 94 and 95:
In the post-Garvey era, after the U
Page 96 and 97:
learned about the prolific and viol
Page 98 and 99:
Eastman likely participated in the
Page 100 and 101:
Du Bois’s paper offered a broad s
Page 102 and 103:
and men to assert their right to ci
Page 104 and 105:
CHAPTER FIVE BLACK AMERICANS AND NA
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gap we have today, are rooted in ea
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Black Americans remembered this Ind
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legacies have been tainted. People
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Here, King describes the root of ra
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working as a collective to achieve
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egistered in Mississippi. She helpe
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surprising if she did. The Choctaw
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understand history, how they practi
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indeed fought in every war since th
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US, given that the US was not Black
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Malcolm understood well the connect
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me think in terms of American’s i
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In the following scene in the docum
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the land, isn’t four hundred year
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For the majority of white Americans
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this growing unity is the best assu
Page 138 and 139: with hardly any people of color wil
Page 140 and 141: did their best to understand how th
Page 142 and 143: “It was not until Malcolm X came
Page 144 and 145: lived there. What about their claim
Page 146 and 147: and operates under a racist and imm
Page 148 and 149: oth deeply invested in Black civil
Page 150 and 151: challenge the assumed authority of
Page 152 and 153: Committee. BWLC, with Frances Beal
Page 154 and 155: international monopoly finance capi
Page 156 and 157: Conference on Indigenous Peoples an
Page 158 and 159: awarded until 2011, and discontinue
Page 160 and 161: CHAPTER SEVEN BLACK AND INDIGENOUS
Page 162 and 163: practices and incorporate them into
Page 164 and 165: e performing minstrelsy without eve
Page 166 and 167: influenced by racist oppression, th
Page 168 and 169: Beyond the specifics of this incide
Page 170 and 171: acism and sexism, as well as across
Page 172 and 173: there is hardly any chance in hell
Page 174 and 175: For example, in July 2007, in Detro
Page 176 and 177: No one wants to be a r*dsk*n. It is
Page 178 and 179: even absurdly funny. The use of the
Page 180 and 181: was trying to make. Jones responded
Page 182 and 183: Desus sarcastically adds, “How ca
Page 184 and 185: CHAPTER EIGHT THE MATTER OF BLACK A
Page 186 and 187: Indigenous and Latinx police, “sh
Page 190 and 191: Native people’s use of tropes, sl
Page 192 and 193: CONCLUSION THE POSSIBILITIES FOR AF
Page 194 and 195: “they are the problem” and tell
Page 196 and 197: oppression and white supremacy. . .
Page 198 and 199: movements.” 14 We can learn from
Page 200 and 201: est to acknowledge the importance o
Page 202 and 203: Ta-Nehisi Coates’s fantastic arti
Page 204 and 205: possible. Our imaginations, coupled
Page 206 and 207: to people of African descent. I don
Page 208 and 209: 2. You know how Indigenous Nations
Page 210 and 211: they treated? We should instead cen
Page 212 and 213: Indigenousness are not so different
Page 214 and 215: maintain African enslavement. For n
Page 216 and 217: opposed to her likely believe that
Page 218 and 219: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS YOU DON‘T WRITE a
Page 220 and 221: Emory University. Thank you to the
Page 222 and 223: 5. Patrick Wolfe, Traces of History
Page 224 and 225: the initiative strikes which open t
Page 226 and 227: 13. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the
Page 228 and 229: 28. Robert Dale Parker, ed., The So
Page 230 and 231: 8. Andrew Woolford, This Benevolent
Page 232 and 233: 6. Malinda Maynor Lowery, The Lumbe
Page 234 and 235: CHAPTER 6. BLACK POWER AND RED POWE
Page 236 and 237: 47. William H. McClendon, “The Bl
Page 238 and 239:
15. Abaki Beck, “Rendered Invisib
Page 240 and 241:
1. Billy-Ray Belcourt and Lindsay N
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Name: The Harmful Consequences of P
Page 244 and 245:
INDEX Please note that page numbers
Page 246 and 247:
Beck, Abaki, 143, 144 The Beginning
Page 248 and 249:
Chicago Defender (publication), 76,
Page 250 and 251:
Dyson, Michael Eric, 140, 149 Eagle
Page 252 and 253:
Hamilton, Charles, 110 Hampton, Fre
Page 254 and 255:
Kaplan, Amy, 205n54 Katznelson, Ira
Page 256 and 257:
Metacomet (chief), 60 Metropolitan
Page 258 and 259:
N.W.A. (band), 161 N-word, as term,
Page 260 and 261:
Red Cloud (Oglala Lakota leader), 6
Page 262 and 263:
“The Souls of White Folk” (Du B
Page 264 and 265:
Wheatley, Phillis, xxii, 8-10, 14,
Page 266 and 267:
North and South American activists
Page 268 and 269:
Dennis Banks and unknown woman at a
Page 270:
Audience at a rally in support of D
Page 273:
American Indian Movement member and
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An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

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