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Paul Cuffe, <strong>the</strong> former kidnapped and enslaved at an early age, and <strong>the</strong><br />
latter, born to an <strong>Indigenous</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r and African fa<strong>the</strong>r, created an <strong>Afro</strong>-<br />
<strong>Indigenous</strong> modernity in prerevolutionary America, in an attempt to assert<br />
<strong>the</strong> humanity <strong>of</strong> people <strong>of</strong> African descent. I argue that we should rethink<br />
how we view <strong>the</strong> early <strong>Indigenous</strong> Africans, and acknowledge that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
maintained at least some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>Indigenous</strong> heritages. In chapter 2, I look<br />
at <strong>the</strong> ideological foundations <strong>of</strong> US democracy through some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
foundational documents such as <strong>the</strong> Federalist Papers and <strong>the</strong> Constitution,<br />
and through some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> important thinkers, like Thomas Jefferson and<br />
Alexis de Tocqueville. I also critically explore how <strong>the</strong>se documents were<br />
fundamentally anti-Black and anti-<strong>Indigenous</strong>. Chapter 3 explores <strong>the</strong> long<br />
nineteenth century, and how Black and <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples used a variety <strong>of</strong><br />
methods to resist dispossession and enslavement. It also shows how some<br />
participated in <strong>the</strong> larger discourse <strong>of</strong> US democracy, by challenging it and<br />
imagining how it could be better.<br />
Chapter 4 analyzes <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> Black and <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />
internationalism during <strong>the</strong> Progressive Era, demonstrating how <strong>the</strong>y forged<br />
an idea <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>mselves beyond white supremacy and settler colonialism.<br />
Chapter 5, set during <strong>the</strong> post–World War II period, considers how Black<br />
American civil rights leaders viewed <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples and struggles, and<br />
how, for <strong>the</strong> most part, <strong>the</strong>y attempted to understand <strong>Indigenous</strong> struggle as<br />
something to learn from. At o<strong>the</strong>r moments, however, some erased <strong>the</strong><br />
history and present reality <strong>of</strong> <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples. Chapter 6 looks at <strong>the</strong><br />
relationship between Black Power and Red Power during <strong>the</strong> 1960s and<br />
1970s. Exploring key moments <strong>of</strong> resistance, including <strong>the</strong> Black and Red<br />
Power Movement, <strong>the</strong> Poor People’s Campaign, and Wounded Knee, this<br />
chapter makes <strong>the</strong> case that Black Americans and Native Americans <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
forged ideological alliances in <strong>the</strong> pursuit <strong>of</strong> freedom.<br />
Chapter 7 looks at <strong>the</strong> relationship between Black and Native people in<br />
<strong>the</strong> realm <strong>of</strong> popular culture and discourse, breaking down ideological<br />
debates about, for instance, <strong>the</strong> relative toxicity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> N-word and R-word,<br />
and thinking critically about debates regarding cultural appropriation. It<br />
also explores where, in spite <strong>of</strong> popular belief, Black Americans <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
demonstrate some consciousness on issues facing <strong>Indigenous</strong> people in<br />
popular culture. Chapter 8 <strong>of</strong>fers an analysis <strong>of</strong> Black Lives Matter, Native<br />
Lives Matter, and policing. In <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> murders <strong>of</strong> Breonna Taylor<br />
and George Floyd, in March and May <strong>of</strong> 2020, respectively, I argue that we