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An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

by Kyle T. Mays

by Kyle T. Mays

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est to acknowledge <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> Black and <strong>Indigenous</strong> relations, and<br />

she even <strong>of</strong>fered some perspective on changing <strong>the</strong> narrative on Black and<br />

Native relations—a future, perhaps. She also <strong>of</strong>fered a way to think about<br />

<strong>the</strong>se connections outside <strong>of</strong> enslavement—even as that remains an<br />

important priority. We can learn a lot from her perspective when thinking<br />

about <strong>the</strong> future <strong>of</strong> Black and <strong>Indigenous</strong> relationships. Chief Mankiller’s<br />

example should be a message to all <strong>of</strong> us: that <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples exist<br />

throughout <strong>the</strong> world, and we can learn a great deal from o<strong>the</strong>rs, including<br />

from <strong>the</strong> African continent.<br />

“WHO’LL PAY REPARATIONS FOR OUR SOULS?” BLACK<br />

REPARATIONS ON INDIGENOUS LAND<br />

In <strong>the</strong> great Gil Scott-Heron’s “Who’ll Pay Reparations on My Soul?,” he<br />

asks: Do we really even want any reparations or compensation from this<br />

government? Do we really want to be associated with this government and<br />

so-called democracy? Will it heal our souls? We have to ask, what would it<br />

look like to prepare for and <strong>the</strong>n actually implement reparations? Law<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>essor Alfred L. Brophy notes in Reparations: Pro and Con (2006) that<br />

implementing reparations could happen in a four-step plan for correcting<br />

past injustice for a better future. The first step “involves truth commissions<br />

and apologies.” This, he argues, is “inexpensive, and its low costs are<br />

spread across a wide group.” The second step “involves Civil Rights<br />

legislation that gives additional rights <strong>of</strong> action to victims <strong>of</strong> race<br />

discrimination.” The third step would involve “community-based reparation<br />

payments for slavery.” <strong>An</strong>d <strong>the</strong> final step would require “direct cash<br />

payments to individuals.” 17 Do we even want to accept an apology for a<br />

settler-colonial, white supremacist state? It might be possible, but, as<br />

<strong>An</strong>ishinaabe legal scholar Sheryl Lightfoot argues regarding state apologies<br />

to <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples, “<strong>of</strong>ficial apologies to <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples have <strong>the</strong><br />

potential to play a meaningful role within a larger program <strong>of</strong> <strong>Indigenous</strong>state<br />

reconciliation only if such apologies are employed in a way that<br />

moves beyond rhetoric and helps reset <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> state<br />

and <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples away from hierarchical and colonial power<br />

relations and toward one grounded in mutual respect.” 18 In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong><br />

settler state has to be sincere. Lightfoot fur<strong>the</strong>r contends that a state apology<br />

“must, first, fully and comprehensively acknowledge <strong>the</strong> wrongs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> past

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