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An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

by Kyle T. Mays

by Kyle T. Mays

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I’m going to <strong>the</strong> nation,<br />

Going to <strong>the</strong> territory.<br />

Going to <strong>the</strong> nation, baby,<br />

Going to <strong>the</strong> territory.<br />

This was a common lyric in Indian territory, and it appears that Black,<br />

<strong>Indigenous</strong>, and <strong>Afro</strong>-<strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples sang it. 3<br />

In explaining this history, Ellison establishes for <strong>the</strong> reader how Black<br />

and <strong>Indigenous</strong> folks came to a particular place. He also sheds light on <strong>the</strong><br />

contested terrain that defined <strong>the</strong> nineteenth-century Black and <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />

experience: removal and belonging. 4<br />

This chapter’s epigraph was taken from W. E. B. Du Bois’s magnum<br />

opus, Black Reconstruction in America (1935). In chapter 17, “The<br />

Propaganda <strong>of</strong> <strong>History</strong>,” he writes about all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> revisionist history and<br />

straight-up lies that white historians had written about Reconstruction,<br />

especially <strong>the</strong> negative portrayal <strong>of</strong> Black Americans. Like most <strong>of</strong> us who<br />

have ever read this book, I agree with Du Bois, and it is still perhaps<br />

essential reading for understanding Reconstruction. However, <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />

dispossession is also a tragic part <strong>of</strong> this history. <strong>An</strong>d while formerly<br />

enslaved Africans became citizens (albeit second-class ones), <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />

peoples don’t necessarily have this narrative. They continued to be<br />

dispossessed <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir land and were written about as if <strong>the</strong>y disappeared.<br />

Historians <strong>of</strong>ten focus on all <strong>the</strong> changes and developments in <strong>the</strong><br />

nineteenth century and conclude that, taken toge<strong>the</strong>r, all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m worked to<br />

steer <strong>the</strong> country toward equality and justice, but that is way too rosy <strong>of</strong> a<br />

picture, especially considering <strong>the</strong> ongoing dispossession <strong>of</strong> <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />

peoples and Reconstruction’s failures in fostering equality and progress for<br />

Black people.<br />

Yet, <strong>the</strong> persistent belief in <strong>the</strong> triumph <strong>of</strong> US democracy during crucial<br />

periods in our history, beginning with <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> slavery, remains a part <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> country’s propaganda—and something that many <strong>of</strong> us accept as factual.<br />

We concede that once slavery ended, and Black folks were granted<br />

citizenship with <strong>the</strong> passing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fourteenth Amendment during<br />

Reconstruction, all was all right. However, historian Eric Foner notes,<br />

“Reconstruction represented less a fulfillment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Revolution’s principles<br />

than a radical repudiation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation’s actual practice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> previous<br />

seven decades. Racism, federalism, and belief in limited government and

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