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to how he viewed Black Americans in <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> US democracy, and<br />
where he viewed <strong>the</strong>m going forward. I also want to give fuller context to<br />
his debate at Cambridge University with <strong>the</strong> 1960s conservative darling<br />
Buckley.<br />
The debate between <strong>the</strong> two men was held on October 26, 1965. Baldwin<br />
was surely still in shock over <strong>the</strong> assassination <strong>of</strong> Malcolm X earlier that<br />
year. They debated <strong>the</strong> question “Has <strong>the</strong> American Dream been achieved at<br />
<strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Negro?” Baldwin won <strong>the</strong> debate by a wide<br />
margin, but I don’t want to spend too much time analyzing <strong>the</strong> debate. 62<br />
What is important for me is his discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Dream, and how<br />
Black people did not fit into it.<br />
In his opening remarks, Baldwin expressed his thoughts on what exactly<br />
<strong>the</strong> American Dream meant. He shifted <strong>the</strong> rhetorical meaning, and argued<br />
that <strong>the</strong> way one engages such a topic depends on <strong>the</strong>ir reality. He<br />
connected <strong>the</strong> white South Africans and <strong>the</strong> French in Algeria—both settler<br />
colonies—and <strong>the</strong> Mississippi sharecropper as people who brutally enact<br />
oppression. He told his British audience that white supremacy came from<br />
Europe. It is in this context in which he discussed <strong>the</strong> longer history <strong>of</strong><br />
violence toward Black people. Baldwin <strong>the</strong>n goes on to explain all <strong>the</strong> ways<br />
a white supremacist nation-state impacts Black people, arguing,<br />
By <strong>the</strong> time you are thirty, you have been through a certain kind <strong>of</strong><br />
mill. <strong>An</strong>d <strong>the</strong> most serious effect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mill you’ve been through is,<br />
again, not <strong>the</strong> catalog <strong>of</strong> disaster, <strong>the</strong> policemen, <strong>the</strong> taxi drivers, <strong>the</strong><br />
waiters, <strong>the</strong> landlady, <strong>the</strong> landlord, <strong>the</strong> banks, <strong>the</strong> insurance<br />
companies, <strong>the</strong> millions <strong>of</strong> details, twenty-four hours <strong>of</strong> every day,<br />
which spell out to you that you are a worthless human being. It is not<br />
that. It’s by <strong>the</strong> time you’ve begun to see it happening, in your<br />
daughter or your son, or your niece or your nephew.<br />
Baldwin gave an entire context to his problem with racism and Black<br />
belonging. White supremacy—and all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structural barriers that Black<br />
people face in trying to belong to a place <strong>the</strong>y were forced to come to in <strong>the</strong><br />
first place—is a cyclical phenomenon. Eventually, a family’s children suffer<br />
<strong>the</strong> same effect.<br />
Baldwin also made a claim to land. As I’ve emphasized, land has always<br />
been a major part <strong>of</strong> Black belonging. “If one has got to prove one’s title to