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An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

by Kyle T. Mays

by Kyle T. Mays

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to how he viewed Black Americans in <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> US democracy, and<br />

where he viewed <strong>the</strong>m going forward. I also want to give fuller context to<br />

his debate at Cambridge University with <strong>the</strong> 1960s conservative darling<br />

Buckley.<br />

The debate between <strong>the</strong> two men was held on October 26, 1965. Baldwin<br />

was surely still in shock over <strong>the</strong> assassination <strong>of</strong> Malcolm X earlier that<br />

year. They debated <strong>the</strong> question “Has <strong>the</strong> American Dream been achieved at<br />

<strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Negro?” Baldwin won <strong>the</strong> debate by a wide<br />

margin, but I don’t want to spend too much time analyzing <strong>the</strong> debate. 62<br />

What is important for me is his discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Dream, and how<br />

Black people did not fit into it.<br />

In his opening remarks, Baldwin expressed his thoughts on what exactly<br />

<strong>the</strong> American Dream meant. He shifted <strong>the</strong> rhetorical meaning, and argued<br />

that <strong>the</strong> way one engages such a topic depends on <strong>the</strong>ir reality. He<br />

connected <strong>the</strong> white South Africans and <strong>the</strong> French in Algeria—both settler<br />

colonies—and <strong>the</strong> Mississippi sharecropper as people who brutally enact<br />

oppression. He told his British audience that white supremacy came from<br />

Europe. It is in this context in which he discussed <strong>the</strong> longer history <strong>of</strong><br />

violence toward Black people. Baldwin <strong>the</strong>n goes on to explain all <strong>the</strong> ways<br />

a white supremacist nation-state impacts Black people, arguing,<br />

By <strong>the</strong> time you are thirty, you have been through a certain kind <strong>of</strong><br />

mill. <strong>An</strong>d <strong>the</strong> most serious effect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mill you’ve been through is,<br />

again, not <strong>the</strong> catalog <strong>of</strong> disaster, <strong>the</strong> policemen, <strong>the</strong> taxi drivers, <strong>the</strong><br />

waiters, <strong>the</strong> landlady, <strong>the</strong> landlord, <strong>the</strong> banks, <strong>the</strong> insurance<br />

companies, <strong>the</strong> millions <strong>of</strong> details, twenty-four hours <strong>of</strong> every day,<br />

which spell out to you that you are a worthless human being. It is not<br />

that. It’s by <strong>the</strong> time you’ve begun to see it happening, in your<br />

daughter or your son, or your niece or your nephew.<br />

Baldwin gave an entire context to his problem with racism and Black<br />

belonging. White supremacy—and all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structural barriers that Black<br />

people face in trying to belong to a place <strong>the</strong>y were forced to come to in <strong>the</strong><br />

first place—is a cyclical phenomenon. Eventually, a family’s children suffer<br />

<strong>the</strong> same effect.<br />

Baldwin also made a claim to land. As I’ve emphasized, land has always<br />

been a major part <strong>of</strong> Black belonging. “If one has got to prove one’s title to

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