An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

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to people of African descent. I don’t know how they are going to pay for it, but it can’t be that difficult to make affordable and accessible housing for the poor and the houseless. This housing should also be afforded to Native people. Again, returning land would be an essential piece to this. For instance, if there are vacant plots of land that exist in major urban centers, they should automatically be given to the Indigenous peoples and caretakers of that land. And the federal government should pay for them to build on that land. It could be used for housing, for ceremony—however those people want to use that land. But it should be returned. RECOVERING OUR ROOTS. Malcolm X taught us, “Of all our studies, history is best qualified to reward our research.” We need to recover our histories, which were taken away from us by Europeans. Western states that are fundamentally rooted in the enslavement of Africans should provide resources to help people throughout the diaspora find their roots. This is the least that they could do so that people of African descent, as much as possible, learn their African histories. Working in true partnership with African nations, which will also mean the end of predatory International Monetary Fund loans and other neoliberal policies that have kept these nations broke, Western states should also ensure descendants the opportunity to visit Africa and learn about their roots. This is not a call for people of African descent to assert themselves as colonizers of different African nations. We could borrow from Ghana’s “Year of Return” and figure out other ways to offer citizenship to people of African descent in the diaspora. 34 While the traumas of the slave trade have erased the unique Indigenous African roots of people in the diaspora, we can still create new meanings of what it means to be an African today. We also need a revolution in values. One of the people putting this into practice is Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II, founder of Repairers of the Breach and Moral Mondays. Based in North Carolina, Repairers of the Breach works with a variety of groups to “advance a moral agenda that uplifts our deepest constitutional and moral values of love, justice, and mercy.” 35 In 2016, the organization produced a document titled the “Higher Ground Moral Declaration,” based upon five principles advocating for several priorities: economic justice, the end of war, universal healthcare, immigrant rights, LGBTQA+ rights, voting rights, fair labor practices, and fighting for
the dignity of all oppressed people. He and his organization represent a moral imperative, rooted in justice, and are engaged in the moral and ethical work, rooted in protest, that we need to continue to engage in. Nothing will happen without struggle. We need to remember that the enslavement of Africans did not end because white people felt guilty, or the state that was making billions of dollars off the labor of African peoples all of a sudden wanted to give up its wealth. It took a civil war. I am not advocating for a violent civil war; I value human life. However, if we are going to get liberation, then we need to think strategically and carefully about the world in which we want to live, and what it will take to get there. I am not committed to a violent “democracy” that continues to exploit and murder Black and Indigenous peoples. So, voting is cool, at least in certain moments for temporary conditions, but it has not saved us and never will. Yes, our Black ancestors died just so future generations could vote, but today Black people continue to die, even sitting in the house, minding their own business. While I’m at it, nonviolent direct action and appealing to the moral conscience of those invested in the subjugation of Black, Indigenous, and people of color isn’t the hill any of us should die on either, but that’s another subject for another time. We need reparations, and we need them now. What follows are nine steps that I think we might take to move forward in the push for change. How we figure this out will have to come from us, because if billionaires are upset about a wealth tax, what will they and those who hold power do when we come to cash the check and take back what’s ours? 1. I think the first thing we should recall is that the Africans kidnapped, beaten, and tortured from their homes were Indigenous. Are Indigenous. And Indigenous people do not just lose their indigeneity —or sense of culture and belonging. We wouldn’t say that about Indigenous people here, so why would we think differently about people of African descent? These cultural remnants remain, including the use of Black English, Black sayings, customs, religious practices, and so on. We must un-archive those things. In addition, because enslavement made them make a way outta no way, of course people of African descent created new ideas of what it means to be African, or Indigenous, and that aspect of the culture should be acknowledged.
Page 4 and 5:
PRAISE FOR AN AFRO-INDIGENOUS HISTO
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REVISIONING HISTORY SERIES A Queer
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To Liseth, El Don, ChiChi
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CHAPTER SEVEN Black and Indigenous
Page 14 and 15:
Indigenous people in our collective
Page 16 and 17:
and places. In fact, the whole book
Page 18 and 19:
INTRODUCTION Thousands of volumes h
Page 20 and 21:
RECONNECTING DISCONNECTED HISTORIES
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solidarity between Black and white
Page 24 and 25:
important to understand how the whi
Page 26 and 27:
Indigenous peoples have sought ways
Page 28 and 29:
need both movements, as both are he
Page 30 and 31:
Some established (mostly white male
Page 32 and 33:
meeting between a variety of Indige
Page 34 and 35:
Atlantic Diaspora Connections (2009
Page 36 and 37:
During every Black History Month in
Page 38 and 39:
consciousness, and to a considerabl
Page 40 and 41:
PAUL CUFFE Perhaps one of the earli
Page 42 and 43:
Afro-Indigenous peoples in the Unit
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antiblackness. Finally, these exper
Page 46 and 47:
America. There was so much we cover
Page 48 and 49:
president-general and another counc
Page 50 and 51:
the dehumanization of Native people
Page 52 and 53:
On March 4, 1801, Jefferson, during
Page 54 and 55:
lasting in its impact than that wit
Page 56 and 57:
The Native person could not truly e
Page 58 and 59:
CHAPTER THREE ENSLAVEMENT, DISPOSSE
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local autonomy—Reconstruction cha
Page 62 and 63:
unpleasant, but we must try and com
Page 64 and 65:
Choctaw owned 14 percent and the Cr
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surpassed those predecessors by per
Page 68 and 69:
eaders to reconsider the role of In
Page 70 and 71:
a time they moved back to Wisconsin
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white people were interested in rem
Page 74 and 75:
of their resistance to white encroa
Page 76 and 77:
liberation and women’s rights. Ty
Page 78 and 79:
covered numerous topics in the spee
Page 80 and 81:
commit the same sin that the nation
Page 82 and 83:
had to change. They could no longer
Page 84 and 85:
Still, Native people continued to s
Page 86 and 87:
government’s boarding schools and
Page 88 and 89:
civilization and its so-called virt
Page 90 and 91:
function of the National Associatio
Page 92 and 93:
treatment with white men, . . . [th
Page 94 and 95:
In the post-Garvey era, after the U
Page 96 and 97:
learned about the prolific and viol
Page 98 and 99:
Eastman likely participated in the
Page 100 and 101:
Du Bois’s paper offered a broad s
Page 102 and 103:
and men to assert their right to ci
Page 104 and 105:
CHAPTER FIVE BLACK AMERICANS AND NA
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gap we have today, are rooted in ea
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Black Americans remembered this Ind
Page 110 and 111:
legacies have been tainted. People
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Here, King describes the root of ra
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working as a collective to achieve
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egistered in Mississippi. She helpe
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surprising if she did. The Choctaw
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understand history, how they practi
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indeed fought in every war since th
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US, given that the US was not Black
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Malcolm understood well the connect
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me think in terms of American’s i
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In the following scene in the docum
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the land, isn’t four hundred year
Page 134 and 135:
For the majority of white Americans
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this growing unity is the best assu
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with hardly any people of color wil
Page 140 and 141:
did their best to understand how th
Page 142 and 143:
“It was not until Malcolm X came
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lived there. What about their claim
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and operates under a racist and imm
Page 148 and 149:
oth deeply invested in Black civil
Page 150 and 151:
challenge the assumed authority of
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Committee. BWLC, with Frances Beal
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international monopoly finance capi
Page 156 and 157: Conference on Indigenous Peoples an
Page 158 and 159: awarded until 2011, and discontinue
Page 160 and 161: CHAPTER SEVEN BLACK AND INDIGENOUS
Page 162 and 163: practices and incorporate them into
Page 164 and 165: e performing minstrelsy without eve
Page 166 and 167: influenced by racist oppression, th
Page 168 and 169: Beyond the specifics of this incide
Page 170 and 171: acism and sexism, as well as across
Page 172 and 173: there is hardly any chance in hell
Page 174 and 175: For example, in July 2007, in Detro
Page 176 and 177: No one wants to be a r*dsk*n. It is
Page 178 and 179: even absurdly funny. The use of the
Page 180 and 181: was trying to make. Jones responded
Page 182 and 183: Desus sarcastically adds, “How ca
Page 184 and 185: CHAPTER EIGHT THE MATTER OF BLACK A
Page 186 and 187: Indigenous and Latinx police, “sh
Page 188 and 189: protester and getting hit with them
Page 190 and 191: Native people’s use of tropes, sl
Page 192 and 193: CONCLUSION THE POSSIBILITIES FOR AF
Page 194 and 195: “they are the problem” and tell
Page 196 and 197: oppression and white supremacy. . .
Page 198 and 199: movements.” 14 We can learn from
Page 200 and 201: est to acknowledge the importance o
Page 202 and 203: Ta-Nehisi Coates’s fantastic arti
Page 204 and 205: possible. Our imaginations, coupled
Page 208 and 209: 2. You know how Indigenous Nations
Page 210 and 211: they treated? We should instead cen
Page 212 and 213: Indigenousness are not so different
Page 214 and 215: maintain African enslavement. For n
Page 216 and 217: opposed to her likely believe that
Page 218 and 219: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS YOU DON‘T WRITE a
Page 220 and 221: Emory University. Thank you to the
Page 222 and 223: 5. Patrick Wolfe, Traces of History
Page 224 and 225: the initiative strikes which open t
Page 226 and 227: 13. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the
Page 228 and 229: 28. Robert Dale Parker, ed., The So
Page 230 and 231: 8. Andrew Woolford, This Benevolent
Page 232 and 233: 6. Malinda Maynor Lowery, The Lumbe
Page 234 and 235: CHAPTER 6. BLACK POWER AND RED POWE
Page 236 and 237: 47. William H. McClendon, “The Bl
Page 238 and 239: 15. Abaki Beck, “Rendered Invisib
Page 240 and 241: 1. Billy-Ray Belcourt and Lindsay N
Page 242 and 243: Name: The Harmful Consequences of P
Page 244 and 245: INDEX Please note that page numbers
Page 246 and 247: Beck, Abaki, 143, 144 The Beginning
Page 248 and 249: Chicago Defender (publication), 76,
Page 250 and 251: Dyson, Michael Eric, 140, 149 Eagle
Page 252 and 253: Hamilton, Charles, 110 Hampton, Fre
Page 254 and 255: Kaplan, Amy, 205n54 Katznelson, Ira
Page 256 and 257:
Metacomet (chief), 60 Metropolitan
Page 258 and 259:
N.W.A. (band), 161 N-word, as term,
Page 260 and 261:
Red Cloud (Oglala Lakota leader), 6
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“The Souls of White Folk” (Du B
Page 264 and 265:
Wheatley, Phillis, xxii, 8-10, 14,
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North and South American activists
Page 268 and 269:
Dennis Banks and unknown woman at a
Page 270:
Audience at a rally in support of D
Page 273:
American Indian Movement member and
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