You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
consumption, to grow <strong>the</strong> domestic market, (2) land as production resource<br />
for export to <strong>the</strong> world markets for hard exchange, (3) land as space for<br />
national unity, (4) land as a place for a state, ei<strong>the</strong>r a national state or<br />
multinational state. 44<br />
If land is central, how does Alkalimat also forget that we live in a settler<br />
state? If land is a space for national unity or a multinational state, as<br />
Alkalimat argues, where are <strong>Indigenous</strong> people supposed to go? We do not<br />
know because Malcolm X never went on record about what he might do<br />
with <strong>the</strong> “<strong>Indigenous</strong> question,” likely because he believed that <strong>the</strong> “white<br />
man” had exterminated <strong>the</strong> “Indian.”<br />
Malcolm’s style, frankness, and ability to “make it plain” for his<br />
audience made him one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> more well-known, if not beloved, Black<br />
activists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s. As a result, he remains, among a wide range <strong>of</strong><br />
activists, from Black nationalists to communists, an icon long after his<br />
death. Although he did not invent <strong>the</strong> Nation <strong>of</strong> Islam or its rhetoric <strong>of</strong><br />
Black supremacy, his efforts made that discourse open to both <strong>the</strong> Black<br />
and white public spheres, with mixed results. Yet, as powerful a rhetorician<br />
as he was, Malcolm X was, on <strong>the</strong> one hand, a powerful voice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black<br />
oppressed, and, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, an uncritical participant in settlercolonial<br />
discourse, at least early on in his political development. In o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
words, he accepted <strong>the</strong> European American belief that Native people had<br />
disappeared. Malcolm based his belief that <strong>the</strong> US government owed Black<br />
people land on two conclusions: one, because Native people were<br />
“invisible” as a result <strong>of</strong> being duped out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir land, <strong>the</strong> US government<br />
had land that it could entrust to Black people; and two, Black folks had<br />
earned a right to land through <strong>the</strong>ir labor during slavery.<br />
Malcolm believed that Black separation from whites was essential for<br />
Black freedom. That is, white Americans were not going to truly accept<br />
Black people into <strong>the</strong>ir society; <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong>y should have land <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own. While civil rights activists sought to reform US society so that it<br />
would become integrated, Malcolm reminded Black people that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
weren’t anything more than second-class citizens, and would never be full<br />
citizens because, unlike white people, Black people “didn’t come here on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Mayflower.” 45 Instead, he reminded <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>y were brought here by<br />
<strong>the</strong> architects <strong>of</strong> US democracy.<br />
He also argued that Black people were owed land because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
exploited labor and <strong>the</strong> blood <strong>the</strong>y had shed in wars. Black people had