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An Afro-Indigenous History of the United States

by Kyle T. Mays

by Kyle T. Mays

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Still, Native people continued to suffer. Two policies undergirded “<strong>the</strong><br />

Indian Problem.” The first was <strong>the</strong> passing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Dawes Act (also known<br />

as <strong>the</strong> General Allotment Act) in 1887. Named after Massachusetts senator<br />

Henry Dawes, <strong>the</strong> act, which began <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> parceling out American<br />

Indian lands to whites, produced severe consequences. In 1887, tribal lands<br />

occupied approximately 138 million acres; by 1934, <strong>the</strong>y had dwindled to a<br />

measly 52 million. In addition, as historian David Chang has argued, by<br />

making lands private property, “allotment made it possible for Native<br />

individuals to lose <strong>the</strong>m through direct sales, defaulted mortgages, tax<br />

forfeiture sales, and o<strong>the</strong>r means.” 3 The second policy that was damaging to<br />

Native people stemmed from <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court’s 1903 decision in Lone<br />

Wolf v. Hitchcock. The decision effectively gave Congress plenary power<br />

over American Indian land rights, meaning that tribal nations would have<br />

no control over <strong>the</strong>ir land.<br />

As <strong>Indigenous</strong> peoples were losing <strong>the</strong>ir land and political power as<br />

sovereign nations, Black Americans were experiencing extreme racial<br />

violence. Black folks suffered much under Jim Crow racial terror during <strong>the</strong><br />

Progressive Era. Convict leasing, a system designed to preserve <strong>the</strong><br />

enslavement <strong>of</strong> Black people after <strong>the</strong>ir legal emancipation, was perhaps<br />

one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> key sites <strong>of</strong> Black oppression and exploitation. Though slavery<br />

was technically illegal, <strong>the</strong> Thirteenth Amendment allowed for <strong>the</strong><br />

enslavement <strong>of</strong> people who had been convicted <strong>of</strong> a crime. By purchasing<br />

<strong>the</strong> labor <strong>of</strong> Black people from sou<strong>the</strong>rn states, private companies would<br />

receive free labor and <strong>the</strong> state would earn revenue. The convict leasing<br />

system was an earlier iteration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> current prison industrial complex,<br />

which legal scholar Michelle Alexander has aptly called <strong>the</strong> “new Jim<br />

Crow.”<br />

Historian Sarah Haley argues that convict leasing was also a gendered<br />

experience. Although a minority, Black women suffered under <strong>the</strong> same<br />

system. The state portrayed Black women as deviant in order to exploit<br />

<strong>the</strong>m for <strong>the</strong>ir labor; <strong>the</strong>ir gendered exploitation ushered in what she calls<br />

“Jim Crow modernity.” 4 She argues that <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> white<br />

supremacy during Jim Crow was manufactured through <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> a<br />

carceral state that exploited Black women by using state violence. While all<br />

Black folks suffered under <strong>the</strong> convict leasing system, <strong>the</strong>y also suffered<br />

debt peonage and o<strong>the</strong>r forms <strong>of</strong> racial oppression.

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