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indeed fought in every war since <strong>the</strong> American Revolution, for <strong>the</strong> ability to<br />
be a citizen <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US. Black people had made a “greater sacrifice than<br />
anybody” and had “collected less” than any o<strong>the</strong>r group. For this reason,<br />
Malcolm believed no one deserved land more than Black people. Malcolm’s<br />
argument exists in certain Black nationalist discourses today, including that<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Descendants <strong>of</strong> Slavery, or ADOS. Let’s sit back and think<br />
about <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> Malcolm’s argument. If Black people deserve<br />
land, what about <strong>the</strong> Native people who were forcibly removed from those<br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn states? It is a question that Black nationalists have rarely, if ever,<br />
truly engaged with. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, we can’t uncritically assert Black land<br />
ownership without understanding <strong>the</strong> possibilities <strong>of</strong> continuing <strong>the</strong> ongoing<br />
genocide and land <strong>the</strong>ft against Native people.<br />
Malcolm’s belief in a separate land for Black people made a lot <strong>of</strong> sense.<br />
If a nation-state that purports to uphold democracy, equality, and freedom<br />
does not actually do so in practice, and if Black folks are barred from voting<br />
and participating in civic life, why wouldn’t you advocate for separation?<br />
However, Malcolm’s erasure <strong>of</strong> <strong>Indigenous</strong> histories and rights would have<br />
benefited his case greatly.<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> writing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US Constitution, <strong>the</strong> US government understood<br />
Native peoples to be sovereign nations, although unequal in status to <strong>the</strong><br />
US. In <strong>the</strong> Cherokee v. Georgia decision <strong>of</strong> 1831, Chief Justice John<br />
Marshall wrote that Native Americans were a “domestic dependent nation.”<br />
They were separate from o<strong>the</strong>r US citizens, and to be governed by different<br />
laws but dependent upon <strong>the</strong> higher authority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US government. This<br />
idea <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domestic dependent nation is <strong>the</strong> basis for contemporary legal<br />
relations between <strong>the</strong> US government and tribal nations. It raises tough<br />
questions, such as, are tribal nations truly sovereign under this<br />
arrangement? Has <strong>the</strong> ideology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domestic dependent nation hampered<br />
our ability to be visionary about what a future would look like outside <strong>of</strong><br />
this arrangement? Finally, how sacred are treaties if one party—<strong>the</strong> US<br />
government—doesn’t keep its end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bargain?<br />
Perhaps Malcolm best articulated <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> Black land as an<br />
integral part <strong>of</strong> Black liberation in a speech delivered in Detroit. That<br />
speech, titled “Message to <strong>the</strong> Grassroots” and given on November 10,<br />
1963, remains perhaps one <strong>of</strong> his most eloquent public speeches on <strong>the</strong><br />
necessity <strong>of</strong> a Black revolution. In this speech, he spends significant time<br />
outlining his historical understanding <strong>of</strong> revolution, including <strong>the</strong>